Thats the title of this picture... which somehow, magically, in its simple strokes of colour, sums up every intention i have for my life in future.
Shy, yet to eager. So alive yet so demure.
Contraidictory; and maybe a little sententious.
Wednesday, March 07, 2007
Waiting
Thats the title of this picture... which somehow, magically, in its simple strokes of colour, sums up every intention i have for my life in future.
Shy, yet to eager. So alive yet so demure.
Contraidictory; and maybe a little sententious.
Tuesday, March 06, 2007
'Indian languages carry the legacy of caste'
The Article:
'Indian languages carry the legacy of caste'
Sheela Bhatt
March 05, 2007In an article on reservation for oppressed classes in the information technology sector, noted sociologist Gail Omvedt had quoted a Dalit boy as saying: 'In Pune they just assume that anyone working with computers is a Brahmin.'
The hidden agony of being born in the former untouchable class is now coming into the open in the so-called resurgent India. Dalits, who number around 161 million and live on the margins of society, are passing through testing times.
In a changing India, they don't want to be left behind as they have for thousands of years in the past. Their aspiration to get ahead is driving them to a variety of new ideas and actions. They are also, looking back to their messiah -- freedom fighter and Constitution expert Dr B R Babasaheb Ambedkar.
New Delhi-based Chandra Bhan Prasad, 48, is a Dalit activist who writes a weekly column on Dalit issues in The Pioneer newspaper.
Born in Azamgarh, Uttar Pradesh, in a peasant's family, Prasad has done an M Phil from Jawaharlal Nehru University on technological acquisition in post-Mao China. Due to unavailability of resources he could not complete his Ph D in the Chinese history of science.
Prasad picked up the gun in the early 1980s when he joined the Communist Party of India-Maoist Leninist with dreams of changing Indian society. "The Maoists are ambiguous, they can't win," he says. "They are not reflective on the issue of caste in India so I left the CPI-ML."
Now, married but struggling without a regular income, Prasad keeps throwing up provocative ideas concerning Dalits in the national debate.
His latest idea is the anti-thesis of the saying -- 'language is the cradle of civilisation.' Prasad thinks the ethnic languages of India are carrying forward -- generation after generation -- the prejudices and biases of casteist Indian minds.
Prasad, in a passionately argued debate with Managing Editor Sheela Bhatt, claims that for the empowerment of Dalits, the knowledge of English is must, especially in a society where those who can speak English are riding up the social ladder faster than others.
English, he says, is the new goddess!
Prasad celebrated October 25, 2006, Thomas Macaulay's birthday as a day when the Dalit community in New Delhi unveiled Goddess English!
Why do you want Dalits to abandon their mother tongues and take up English which is not their mother tongue?
In Indian society nothing belongs to the Dalits. Anything that is Indian, mirrors the Indian culture, value system. It will certainly contain the strong flavour of caste and prejudice against untouchables.
In Hindi, to greet somebody we say pranam. The person bows down and there is a kind of body coordination like the folding of hands and bowing down of the head when he or she says pranam.
According to Indian tradition, Dalits don't have the right to receive pranam . Because the receiver of the pranam had the right to bless, so Dalits never received pranams. In response, the person responds with 'khush raho (be happy).
Have Dalits ever blessed the upper castes?
I want to emphasis the fact that how Indian languages -- be it Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Tamil or Malayalam -- all of them carry the legacy of caste. But if you replace Hindi or Tamil by English you will greet by saying 'good morning.' The other person will respond saying 'good morning'. Both will look into the eyes and equality is established.
There are too many caste-based abuses in India. People say chori-chamari na karna. (Don't steal like the chamars, who are the lowest caste amongst the Dalits). In the countryside these abuses are quite common, even now. "I'll make you a bhangi(sweeper caste)!" -- is quite often used as a threat.
In Hindi films and television serials they have slightly modified these age-old abuses. They now say chori-chakari na karna. It hurts us. Analyse it with a little sensitivity. These abuses are meant for us only; it reflects the mindset of Indians.
Indians don't eat pork because untouchables were eating it. Germans eat it, why can't we eat it? They are fine people also. Indian culture carries many such caste-based biases.
What are the broader issues in favour of English?
There are several cultural aspects. The knowledge of English by Dalits will hit at the backbone of the caste system.
India's caste system relies on the twin principle of occupational purity and blood purity. You could not go out of your occupation. A cobbler's son would have to be a cobbler and a carpenter's son remained a carpenter for generations. Inter-caste marriages were strictly prohibited.
For centuries Dalits could not marry outside their caste to maintain caste purity. But if a Dalit knows English then there is no way he will be climbing a toddy tree and end up doing a manual job.
The English-speaking Dalit will not be made a sweeper or a cleaner of toilets. Good knowledge of English will emancipate him and give him leverage to liberate himself from traditional occupations.
Once you are out of your traditional socio-circle you have a higher chance to marry in the non-Dalit family. That will break the bondage of 'blood purity' as well. There are some instances of Dalits who speak English, they dress well, have a good job and are married to Brahmins.
In a recent television interview, Yogendra Yadav, the wellknown thinker on social issues, has effectively rebutted your argument. The caste system will not go away only because Dalits start speaking English. It will be more useful if the mindset of the upper caste changes.
You are right. My movement for English will not immediately demolish the caste system. But it will be a great leap forward. Look at the way ordinary people are treated in India who know only Indian languages and the way English-speaking people are treated.
When you speak English it so happens that you dress up differently. I get invited to parties and when I speak in English people talk differently and are even ready to listen to me.
What I speak, if spoken in Hindi, doesn't make an impact at all. I am dismissed but if I say the same things in English, I am heard and applauded. Also, you may have noticed that English-speaking people tend to wear suits and matching shoes. Better dressing elevates your position and makes you heard.
But it is also true that to move ahead in life you need confidence and talent more than anything else. Second, unless the upper castes change their mindset how are you going to get fair treatment, which is your real and final aim? In other words, the upper castes will give you equal status irrespective of the fact that you speak Hindi or Telugu or English if and when they realise their wrongs.
The change in mindset will only help you, not your knowledge of English. And, if you have confidence in your talent or in yourself more can be achieved than otherwise. You have an example of Planning Commission Member Dr Bal Mungekar.
He is a well-known economist who writes in English, speaks English. He didn't write his first book in Marathi, his mother tongue. If he was not English-speaking he would not have been made a member of the Planning Commission.
But that would be true for even a Brahmin economist.
For the same reason I am arguing that chances of Dalits moving ahead will be much less without knowing English.
It may not be an entirely correct argument because Lalu Prasad Yadav, a leader of the Other Backward Classes, is powerful and successful because of his ethnicity. Rather, he knows English but never speaks it because he knows that to win an election in India he should speak Hindi. How do you explain that? He ridicules English-speaking people and is still surging ahead.
You can't compare him to ordinary Dalits because he holds political office. Politics is a limited field. In democracy, you can win an election without the knowledge of English. How many can become MPs?
We are talking about his confidence.
But he is ridiculed too.
J Jaylalithaa's strength is not her knowledge of English.
You can't compare politics with what I am saying.
Okay, take Sania Mirza. Her talent and tact has nothing to do with her knowledge of English.
Films, sports and politics are different fields. I am talking of ordinary lives. These are fields offering opportunities to merely a few people. Whereas the knowledge of English can give opportunity to millions and millions of people. Not out of any complexes but with confidence we have celebrated Lord Macaulay's birthday on October 25, 2006. On that day, we have established English as the Dalits' goddess.
People condemn him for making India bilingual but I consider Macaulay the father of Indian modernity. The bottom line is that since I have some knowledge of English I feel more confident than those other Dalits who can't speak English.
Do you disagree that culture and identity is interlinked to languages?
Yes, I agree.
My response:
Irrational!by Ratna Tiwary on Mar 06, 2007 11:12 AM
"English-speaking people tend to wear suits and matching shoes" -- ie English speaking people tend to be westernised. So what our friend here is attempting to do, is not just remove caste but also all other aspects of indian culture, including native dress and language. I am not a proponent of caste, but there is a bigger picture; the day will come when dalits all speak english and wear suits, but so what? the number of jobs will still be the same, and unemplyment figures stagnant. What then? Dropping of surnames? Changing all indian names to "Smith" or "Bush"? Westernisation is not a panacea for all social ills; in fact the western countrise admit that their way of thinking is in fact detrimental to their own societies! He says: "It may not be an entirely correct argument because Lalu Prasad Yadav, a leader of the Other Backward Classes, is powerful and successful because of his ethnicity. Rather, he knows English but never speaks it because he knows that to win an election in India he should speak Hindi. How do you explain that? He ridicules English-speaking people and is still surging ahead. You can't compare him to ordinary Dalits because he holds political office. Politics is a limited field. In democracy, you can win an election without the knowledge of English. How many can become MPs?" How very contraidictory! And then celebrating Macaulay's birthday! Macaulay believed in European, especially British, superiority over all things Oriental! The term Macaulay's Children is used to refer to people born of Indian ancestry who adopt Western culture as a lifestyle, or display attitudes influenced by colonisers. The term is usually used in a derogatory fashion, and the connotation is one of disloyalty to one's country and one's heritage. "It is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population." And it is this man, whom this great dalit leader revers!
'Indian languages carry the legacy of caste'
Sheela Bhatt
March 05, 2007In an article on reservation for oppressed classes in the information technology sector, noted sociologist Gail Omvedt had quoted a Dalit boy as saying: 'In Pune they just assume that anyone working with computers is a Brahmin.'
The hidden agony of being born in the former untouchable class is now coming into the open in the so-called resurgent India. Dalits, who number around 161 million and live on the margins of society, are passing through testing times.
In a changing India, they don't want to be left behind as they have for thousands of years in the past. Their aspiration to get ahead is driving them to a variety of new ideas and actions. They are also, looking back to their messiah -- freedom fighter and Constitution expert Dr B R Babasaheb Ambedkar.
New Delhi-based Chandra Bhan Prasad, 48, is a Dalit activist who writes a weekly column on Dalit issues in The Pioneer newspaper.
Born in Azamgarh, Uttar Pradesh, in a peasant's family, Prasad has done an M Phil from Jawaharlal Nehru University on technological acquisition in post-Mao China. Due to unavailability of resources he could not complete his Ph D in the Chinese history of science.
Prasad picked up the gun in the early 1980s when he joined the Communist Party of India-Maoist Leninist with dreams of changing Indian society. "The Maoists are ambiguous, they can't win," he says. "They are not reflective on the issue of caste in India so I left the CPI-ML."
Now, married but struggling without a regular income, Prasad keeps throwing up provocative ideas concerning Dalits in the national debate.
His latest idea is the anti-thesis of the saying -- 'language is the cradle of civilisation.' Prasad thinks the ethnic languages of India are carrying forward -- generation after generation -- the prejudices and biases of casteist Indian minds.
Prasad, in a passionately argued debate with Managing Editor Sheela Bhatt, claims that for the empowerment of Dalits, the knowledge of English is must, especially in a society where those who can speak English are riding up the social ladder faster than others.
English, he says, is the new goddess!
Prasad celebrated October 25, 2006, Thomas Macaulay's birthday as a day when the Dalit community in New Delhi unveiled Goddess English!
Why do you want Dalits to abandon their mother tongues and take up English which is not their mother tongue?
In Indian society nothing belongs to the Dalits. Anything that is Indian, mirrors the Indian culture, value system. It will certainly contain the strong flavour of caste and prejudice against untouchables.
In Hindi, to greet somebody we say pranam. The person bows down and there is a kind of body coordination like the folding of hands and bowing down of the head when he or she says pranam.
According to Indian tradition, Dalits don't have the right to receive pranam . Because the receiver of the pranam had the right to bless, so Dalits never received pranams. In response, the person responds with 'khush raho (be happy).
Have Dalits ever blessed the upper castes?
I want to emphasis the fact that how Indian languages -- be it Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Tamil or Malayalam -- all of them carry the legacy of caste. But if you replace Hindi or Tamil by English you will greet by saying 'good morning.' The other person will respond saying 'good morning'. Both will look into the eyes and equality is established.
There are too many caste-based abuses in India. People say chori-chamari na karna. (Don't steal like the chamars, who are the lowest caste amongst the Dalits). In the countryside these abuses are quite common, even now. "I'll make you a bhangi(sweeper caste)!" -- is quite often used as a threat.
In Hindi films and television serials they have slightly modified these age-old abuses. They now say chori-chakari na karna. It hurts us. Analyse it with a little sensitivity. These abuses are meant for us only; it reflects the mindset of Indians.
Indians don't eat pork because untouchables were eating it. Germans eat it, why can't we eat it? They are fine people also. Indian culture carries many such caste-based biases.
What are the broader issues in favour of English?
There are several cultural aspects. The knowledge of English by Dalits will hit at the backbone of the caste system.
India's caste system relies on the twin principle of occupational purity and blood purity. You could not go out of your occupation. A cobbler's son would have to be a cobbler and a carpenter's son remained a carpenter for generations. Inter-caste marriages were strictly prohibited.
For centuries Dalits could not marry outside their caste to maintain caste purity. But if a Dalit knows English then there is no way he will be climbing a toddy tree and end up doing a manual job.
The English-speaking Dalit will not be made a sweeper or a cleaner of toilets. Good knowledge of English will emancipate him and give him leverage to liberate himself from traditional occupations.
Once you are out of your traditional socio-circle you have a higher chance to marry in the non-Dalit family. That will break the bondage of 'blood purity' as well. There are some instances of Dalits who speak English, they dress well, have a good job and are married to Brahmins.
In a recent television interview, Yogendra Yadav, the wellknown thinker on social issues, has effectively rebutted your argument. The caste system will not go away only because Dalits start speaking English. It will be more useful if the mindset of the upper caste changes.
You are right. My movement for English will not immediately demolish the caste system. But it will be a great leap forward. Look at the way ordinary people are treated in India who know only Indian languages and the way English-speaking people are treated.
When you speak English it so happens that you dress up differently. I get invited to parties and when I speak in English people talk differently and are even ready to listen to me.
What I speak, if spoken in Hindi, doesn't make an impact at all. I am dismissed but if I say the same things in English, I am heard and applauded. Also, you may have noticed that English-speaking people tend to wear suits and matching shoes. Better dressing elevates your position and makes you heard.
But it is also true that to move ahead in life you need confidence and talent more than anything else. Second, unless the upper castes change their mindset how are you going to get fair treatment, which is your real and final aim? In other words, the upper castes will give you equal status irrespective of the fact that you speak Hindi or Telugu or English if and when they realise their wrongs.
The change in mindset will only help you, not your knowledge of English. And, if you have confidence in your talent or in yourself more can be achieved than otherwise. You have an example of Planning Commission Member Dr Bal Mungekar.
He is a well-known economist who writes in English, speaks English. He didn't write his first book in Marathi, his mother tongue. If he was not English-speaking he would not have been made a member of the Planning Commission.
But that would be true for even a Brahmin economist.
For the same reason I am arguing that chances of Dalits moving ahead will be much less without knowing English.
It may not be an entirely correct argument because Lalu Prasad Yadav, a leader of the Other Backward Classes, is powerful and successful because of his ethnicity. Rather, he knows English but never speaks it because he knows that to win an election in India he should speak Hindi. How do you explain that? He ridicules English-speaking people and is still surging ahead.
You can't compare him to ordinary Dalits because he holds political office. Politics is a limited field. In democracy, you can win an election without the knowledge of English. How many can become MPs?
We are talking about his confidence.
But he is ridiculed too.
J Jaylalithaa's strength is not her knowledge of English.
You can't compare politics with what I am saying.
Okay, take Sania Mirza. Her talent and tact has nothing to do with her knowledge of English.
Films, sports and politics are different fields. I am talking of ordinary lives. These are fields offering opportunities to merely a few people. Whereas the knowledge of English can give opportunity to millions and millions of people. Not out of any complexes but with confidence we have celebrated Lord Macaulay's birthday on October 25, 2006. On that day, we have established English as the Dalits' goddess.
People condemn him for making India bilingual but I consider Macaulay the father of Indian modernity. The bottom line is that since I have some knowledge of English I feel more confident than those other Dalits who can't speak English.
Do you disagree that culture and identity is interlinked to languages?
Yes, I agree.
My response:
Irrational!by Ratna Tiwary on Mar 06, 2007 11:12 AM
"English-speaking people tend to wear suits and matching shoes" -- ie English speaking people tend to be westernised. So what our friend here is attempting to do, is not just remove caste but also all other aspects of indian culture, including native dress and language. I am not a proponent of caste, but there is a bigger picture; the day will come when dalits all speak english and wear suits, but so what? the number of jobs will still be the same, and unemplyment figures stagnant. What then? Dropping of surnames? Changing all indian names to "Smith" or "Bush"? Westernisation is not a panacea for all social ills; in fact the western countrise admit that their way of thinking is in fact detrimental to their own societies! He says: "It may not be an entirely correct argument because Lalu Prasad Yadav, a leader of the Other Backward Classes, is powerful and successful because of his ethnicity. Rather, he knows English but never speaks it because he knows that to win an election in India he should speak Hindi. How do you explain that? He ridicules English-speaking people and is still surging ahead. You can't compare him to ordinary Dalits because he holds political office. Politics is a limited field. In democracy, you can win an election without the knowledge of English. How many can become MPs?" How very contraidictory! And then celebrating Macaulay's birthday! Macaulay believed in European, especially British, superiority over all things Oriental! The term Macaulay's Children is used to refer to people born of Indian ancestry who adopt Western culture as a lifestyle, or display attitudes influenced by colonisers. The term is usually used in a derogatory fashion, and the connotation is one of disloyalty to one's country and one's heritage. "It is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population." And it is this man, whom this great dalit leader revers!
Leave me alone to daydream on the bus
The Electric New Paper :
Leave me alone to daydream on the bus
I DO not want to drive. To me that would represent the sacrifice of my daily dose of Ratna-time.
By Ratna Tiwary
03 March 2007
I DO not want to drive. To me that would represent the sacrifice of my daily dose of Ratna-time.
I take the bus to work and school every day and back home again at the end of a hectic day. I refuse to study in the bus (unless there is an exam that day), I seldom entertain phone calls and text messages, and I detest making inane small talk with acquaintances while travelling.
The moments I spend in the bus each day have become a refuge.
It is almost the only time in my crowded day when I do not have anything to do. I can daydream, think about articles for the next month and make plans for my dream home/wedding/career/novel.
I can peer at clouds from my seat and imagine unicorns dancing to La Bamba. My time in the bus is a time to reminisce, think about old friends and remember silly incidents as landmarks whizz by.
I pass my old school daily on my way to work, and every day, fresh memories are triggered that make me chuckle to myself. It starts my day off on a beautiful note.
Spotting the walkway leading up to school, I remember how my best friends and I did a Chinese-soldier march up the slope while singing 'wo men shi nian qing de wei guo jun' (we are the young patriotic soldiers).
Just imagine three giggly girls in pink tops and grey skirts playing soldier. As I pass the canteen, I nearly fall off the bus seat with barely-contained laughter, recalling how we used to buy beautiful birthday cakes for friends, only to smash them into their faces and then chase and be chased by them around the school grounds.
My time on the bus is a time for me to imagine. Sitting on the blue seats of the usually non-airconditioned bus service 93 every morning, feeling the cool morning air hitting my face and tousling my hair, I mentally sketch my dream home.
I'd love a balcony that allows me to enjoy the same fresh breeze every morning, preferably leading from my bedroom so that I can wake up to fresh air and singing birds.
As cars pass by, I dissect each of them and put them back together to build my dream car. The curves of the VW Beetle, with the gorgeous square headlights of old Mercedes-Benzes, the engine of a zippy little Ferrari and, hopefully, the price tag of the Chery QQ .
As I see the familiar face of a little girl on the bus each morning and smile at her, I imagine a little girl with my hair, nose, eyes, height, intelligence, and well, something from her father too. But that's a different dream (tall, fair, handsome, rich...).
When we turned 18, all my friends rushed to register for the theory of driving tests, all eagerly waiting to drive.
I tagged along andpassed both the Basic and Final theory tests, but driving lessons annoyed me. I had to focus on the car, I was responsible for all those people passing me, driving behind me, crossing the road before me, at traffic lights, pedestrian crossings, everywhere.
I could no longer dream and imagine and reminisce while the world passed me by and the breeze ruffled my hair.
Eventually, I stopped the lessons because those moments of freedom in the bus were just too vital to me. The euphoria they bring and the sheer joy I feel are too important to sacrifice.
Perhaps in a different place and time, I too will see a need to drive - to ferry my children to school, my husband to work, myself to the mall.
Perhaps then I may treasure the gurgling laughter of my children and their endless questions, the scent of my husband's cologne in the car and the thrill of my own driving, more than I treasure my freedom in the bus today.
In the meantime, however, if you see me in the bus, please smile, but then leave me to my dreams and memories.
--
The writer is a graduate in political science and South Asian studies from NUS. To give feedback, e-mail tnp@sph.com.sg.
Leave me alone to daydream on the bus
I DO not want to drive. To me that would represent the sacrifice of my daily dose of Ratna-time.
By Ratna Tiwary
03 March 2007
I DO not want to drive. To me that would represent the sacrifice of my daily dose of Ratna-time.
I take the bus to work and school every day and back home again at the end of a hectic day. I refuse to study in the bus (unless there is an exam that day), I seldom entertain phone calls and text messages, and I detest making inane small talk with acquaintances while travelling.
The moments I spend in the bus each day have become a refuge.
It is almost the only time in my crowded day when I do not have anything to do. I can daydream, think about articles for the next month and make plans for my dream home/wedding/career/novel.
I can peer at clouds from my seat and imagine unicorns dancing to La Bamba. My time in the bus is a time to reminisce, think about old friends and remember silly incidents as landmarks whizz by.
I pass my old school daily on my way to work, and every day, fresh memories are triggered that make me chuckle to myself. It starts my day off on a beautiful note.
Spotting the walkway leading up to school, I remember how my best friends and I did a Chinese-soldier march up the slope while singing 'wo men shi nian qing de wei guo jun' (we are the young patriotic soldiers).
Just imagine three giggly girls in pink tops and grey skirts playing soldier. As I pass the canteen, I nearly fall off the bus seat with barely-contained laughter, recalling how we used to buy beautiful birthday cakes for friends, only to smash them into their faces and then chase and be chased by them around the school grounds.
My time on the bus is a time for me to imagine. Sitting on the blue seats of the usually non-airconditioned bus service 93 every morning, feeling the cool morning air hitting my face and tousling my hair, I mentally sketch my dream home.
I'd love a balcony that allows me to enjoy the same fresh breeze every morning, preferably leading from my bedroom so that I can wake up to fresh air and singing birds.
As cars pass by, I dissect each of them and put them back together to build my dream car. The curves of the VW Beetle, with the gorgeous square headlights of old Mercedes-Benzes, the engine of a zippy little Ferrari and, hopefully, the price tag of the Chery QQ .
As I see the familiar face of a little girl on the bus each morning and smile at her, I imagine a little girl with my hair, nose, eyes, height, intelligence, and well, something from her father too. But that's a different dream (tall, fair, handsome, rich...).
When we turned 18, all my friends rushed to register for the theory of driving tests, all eagerly waiting to drive.
I tagged along andpassed both the Basic and Final theory tests, but driving lessons annoyed me. I had to focus on the car, I was responsible for all those people passing me, driving behind me, crossing the road before me, at traffic lights, pedestrian crossings, everywhere.
I could no longer dream and imagine and reminisce while the world passed me by and the breeze ruffled my hair.
Eventually, I stopped the lessons because those moments of freedom in the bus were just too vital to me. The euphoria they bring and the sheer joy I feel are too important to sacrifice.
Perhaps in a different place and time, I too will see a need to drive - to ferry my children to school, my husband to work, myself to the mall.
Perhaps then I may treasure the gurgling laughter of my children and their endless questions, the scent of my husband's cologne in the car and the thrill of my own driving, more than I treasure my freedom in the bus today.
In the meantime, however, if you see me in the bus, please smile, but then leave me to my dreams and memories.
--
The writer is a graduate in political science and South Asian studies from NUS. To give feedback, e-mail tnp@sph.com.sg.
Wednesday, February 28, 2007
Wonderful piece i came across
I'm 71 retired, married for 49 years. The day we were married I promised my self that I would be all I could be to my husband and my children, to the best of my ability.
I got up an hour early so I could have some space to quietly relax and drink my coffee and make a list of things to do that day.
Every one had their own alarm clock.
I fixed breakfast, usually hot cereal, some time pancakes or waffles and always orange juice. On weekend we had grape juice for a treat instead of orange juice.
Got my husband off to work and my children off to school with a full belly.
I spent 1/2 hour every day working on my list. If you with out fail spend 1/2 hour on house work you can usually get the thing on your list done.
I showered and fixed myself up for the day. Tried to be finished by 10 am. I always had a little private race with myself to reach my 10 am deadline.
I was free to do as I chose until 1:30 pm.
At 1:30 I started preparing dinner.
Kids were home between 3:15 to 3:45 and they were starving hungry.
I had dinner on the table when my husband came home at 4:00.
We ate, my husband had his shower.
While he showered myself and kids had a race to see if we could get the kitchened cleaned up by the time he finished his shower.
The kids did their home work, sometimes needing my husbands or my help.
I ran what some would call a tight ship, but we had the evening free from five on.
Kids were in their room or in bed by 8:30. Leaving some quiet time for both my husband and myself.
Yes, due to sicknes or other extinuating circumstances our schedule was interupted.
You learn to dicipline your self and the rest of the family.
My married kids are trying to do the same for their family.
They tell me that I made their home a sanctuary and no matter how bad things were at school, they knew they were coming home to a safe, happy home.
We worked together and we played together and life was good.
Your schedule will probably be different but you can create your own to build a safe, happy sanctuary.
I hope this is helpful and I hope I didn't tell you more that you wanted to know.
Try it. Do what you have to do. Do your best.
I got up an hour early so I could have some space to quietly relax and drink my coffee and make a list of things to do that day.
Every one had their own alarm clock.
I fixed breakfast, usually hot cereal, some time pancakes or waffles and always orange juice. On weekend we had grape juice for a treat instead of orange juice.
Got my husband off to work and my children off to school with a full belly.
I spent 1/2 hour every day working on my list. If you with out fail spend 1/2 hour on house work you can usually get the thing on your list done.
I showered and fixed myself up for the day. Tried to be finished by 10 am. I always had a little private race with myself to reach my 10 am deadline.
I was free to do as I chose until 1:30 pm.
At 1:30 I started preparing dinner.
Kids were home between 3:15 to 3:45 and they were starving hungry.
I had dinner on the table when my husband came home at 4:00.
We ate, my husband had his shower.
While he showered myself and kids had a race to see if we could get the kitchened cleaned up by the time he finished his shower.
The kids did their home work, sometimes needing my husbands or my help.
I ran what some would call a tight ship, but we had the evening free from five on.
Kids were in their room or in bed by 8:30. Leaving some quiet time for both my husband and myself.
Yes, due to sicknes or other extinuating circumstances our schedule was interupted.
You learn to dicipline your self and the rest of the family.
My married kids are trying to do the same for their family.
They tell me that I made their home a sanctuary and no matter how bad things were at school, they knew they were coming home to a safe, happy home.
We worked together and we played together and life was good.
Your schedule will probably be different but you can create your own to build a safe, happy sanctuary.
I hope this is helpful and I hope I didn't tell you more that you wanted to know.
Try it. Do what you have to do. Do your best.
Wednesday, February 07, 2007
Caste clouds India's high hopes
Indians want to see their country punch its weight around the world - but are worried the caste system is holding it back, a BBC poll suggests.Almost two-thirds of respondents in the World Service poll said India being an economic superpower was important.
But 55% thought caste issues were still a "barrier to social harmony".
Visitors to BBC websites chose questions for the survey. A nationally representative sample of 1,616 Indians was interviewed in December.
The poll found that a majority (71%) are proud to be an Indian.
Most also thought it was important that India should be a political (60%) and military (60%) superpower.
A majority were optimistic about many aspects of the modern Indian state - more than half (55%) think the Indian justice system treats rich and poor people fairly, a statistic which some may find surprising given perceived failures in the police and courts.
Nearly as many (52%) think being a woman is no barrier to success any more.
And the survey found that twice as many people (48%) would rather work for a private company than for the government (22%).
But on other topics respondents were less positive.
Forty-seven percent agreed that "corruption is a fact of life which we should accept as the price of doing business in today's world", although younger people were less tolerant of corruption than older people.
And if Indians are agreed on the need for India to be an economic superpower, they are less sure they are seeing the fruits of recent economic growth.
Asked whether India's economic growth over the past 10 years had benefited them and their families directly, exactly the same proportion (45%) said that it had, as disagreed.
One in two (50%) felt that "people in India don't take their religion seriously enough", while two in five (40%) believed that "young people have lost touch with their heritage and traditions".
In total 1,616 citizens in India were interviewed between 5-15 December 2006.
Polling was conducted for the BBC World Service by the international polling firm GlobeScan and its research partner in India. The margin of error is +/-2.5.
Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/south_asia/6320413.stmPublished: 2007/02/05 00:03:10 GMT© BBC MMVII
Polling was conducted for the BBC World Service by the international polling firm GlobeScan and its research partner in India. The margin of error is +/-2.5.
Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/south_asia/6320413.stmPublished: 2007/02/05 00:03:10 GMT© BBC MMVII
Tuesday, February 06, 2007
Papa, you're my Valentine forever
I HAVE had the same Valentine for the past 22 years. And now that I reflect on it, he is probably the best man to have as a Valentine.
By Ratna Tiwary
03 February 2007
I HAVE had the same Valentine for the past 22 years. And now that I reflect on it, he is probably the best man to have as a Valentine.
You see, 14 Feb is my father's birthday.
So understandably, he's been my companion every year on that day.
After years of wishing I could go out with friends on that day - I have never spent it with a boyfriend - this year, I'm actually looking forward to spending quality time with my papa.
A father-daughter relationship is a special one.
And I agree with all those who say that women look for their fathers in their partners.
PILLAR OF STRENGTH
My father is a strong man. Not in the sense that he is Samson-like, but he has always dealt with life in a manner that makes me admire him.
This dawned on me only after my teenage years - which was not too long ago. During those years though, I suppressed all positive feelings about him and spent my time trying to paint him in big-bad-wolf shades.
How is it that in the rush to grow up, and then in the fight to not grow old so soon, a girl's father often gets forgotten?
Faith Hill sang a song entitled Daddy's Little Girl, which aptly sums up this relationship:
'He's a book of advice/More than I need/The look in his eyes is saying to me/Let me help you all I can/While I'm still in this world'.
Yes, my father is a big man, always there for me.
I know papa looks stern all the time and makes valiant attempts to scare away friends of mine whom he deems undesirable.
But I also remember that this is the same man who took me out daily when I was feeling left out after my brother was born. He also bought me dolls to make sure I had a 'new baby' too.
He's the same man who now buys me Cacharel perfume from the duty-free shop every time he goes out of the country, and reads my academic articles when once, he read my fumbling teenage poetry.
Is it not surprising how, in the blur of day-to-day commitments, we often forget those who matter the most to us?
In the quest to celebrate special occasions with friends, how often do we stop to remember that these celebrations are also meant to be spent with our families?
SIMPLE CELEBRATION
It doesn't have to be elaborate, expensive or held overseas. It just has to be a time to get together.I remember papa's past 22 birthdays that we spent together, and that warm feeling of it being an important day for the most important man in my life.
Friends and lovers come and go, but deep in my heart, I know that be it a scraped knee or a broken heart, papa will always be there.
I think it's simply perfect that Valentine's Day also marks the birth of the man who, to me at least, personifies love.
Happy birthday in advance, papa, my Valentine forever.
The writer is an undergraduate in Political Science and South Asian studies from NUS.
Copyright © 2005 Singapore Press Holdings Ltd. Co. Regn. No. 198402868E. All rights reserved.Privacy Statement and Conditions of Access
Wednesday, January 17, 2007
HDB Woes
I’ve decided that I want the first house that I buy to be an HDB apartment. The decision was the simple and sensible part, I mean why not take the grants the government is giving? I might as well buy it before my income goes above $8000 and whole new sets of rules begin to apply. Even below $8000, the whole process is maddening!
When the decision is made, that you want a HDB, the first thing to decide would be if you want to get it with your partner (opposite sex only), or your parent, or are you old enough to apply for one on your own? Have I confused you yet, this was the easy part you see!
The next step involves figuring out which HDB you want? This is a two-fold process, first is it going to be anew flat (aka a shoebox), or would you prefer a much roomier, albeit older (and maybe haunted, murdered-in) resale flat? So then, there are the 1,2,3,4 and 5 room flats, not to mention the maisonettes, jumbo flats, executive apartments, executive condominiums and built-to-order units! Mind you, most of which only have three bedrooms anyway. Yes, a 5-room flat has 3 bedrooms, and a dining room and a utility room (does this make sense to you)?
Have I mentioned that each of the above mentioned category has a few sub categories? How about the 3 and 4NG (new generation) flats, the "normal" 3 and 4 room flats, and the whole host of others! 4-S, 4-A, 4-A1, 4-A2, 4-I, 5-S, 5-I, 5-A! The differences? Essentially, a few square centimetres!
Call a real estate agent, just have a normal conversation and tell her/him you’re interested in buying a flat, even before she begins counting her commission, she’ll drown you in questions you never knew existed, so obviously can not answer?
"Are you planning to buy a house within 2KM of your parents?" , "Uh, I don’t know, if I can get one…"
"Are you taking the $40,000 or $50,000 rebate?" , "can I have both?"
"Are you married?", "no… planning to"
When are you getting married?, "soon…"
"Is he Singaporean?", "uh…"
"What race is he?", "uh…"
She was firing questions faster than I could begin to answer them. I was just waiting for her to ask me what was my shoe size, but then she got down to money matters. First off, "how much do you earn", "and what is your partner’s salary".
By the time we had settled her questions and decided which part of Singapore (which suddenly seemed too big to me), I wanted to reside in, she told me she would begin to arrange viewings. Fine, so it was ok thus far, although I feel that my personal details are no longer mine (strange feeling for someone who writes about her life in the papers).
So she calls me the next day, and tells me that she has 4 flats open for viewing at Holland Village, before I can exclaim in joy and dig out my diary, she informs me "but ah, Indian cannot"!
Leaving me spluttering in dismay, she then tells me that actually there are no available flats open for sale to Indians, as the Indian quotas for that area are full! After a few such phone calls, I’ve surrendered. I told her to call me the next time there is an "Indian flat" open. After all, on my salary I think it might take a while to reach $8000, and since I’m not married, under 35 and don’t plan to apply for a flat with my parents, I have all the time in the world!
However, HDB does need to make itself far more friendly to the busy yuppie with little time to battle with estate agents who want to palm you the first flat you don’t say NO to. Perhaps HDB-accredited agents who receive commissions from HDB directly, so that they are more patient with clients?
Buying a house is often a dream come true, although I have time on my hands, the fact that my dream is beginning to be tinged with nightmarish aspects doesn’t please me!
When the decision is made, that you want a HDB, the first thing to decide would be if you want to get it with your partner (opposite sex only), or your parent, or are you old enough to apply for one on your own? Have I confused you yet, this was the easy part you see!
The next step involves figuring out which HDB you want? This is a two-fold process, first is it going to be anew flat (aka a shoebox), or would you prefer a much roomier, albeit older (and maybe haunted, murdered-in) resale flat? So then, there are the 1,2,3,4 and 5 room flats, not to mention the maisonettes, jumbo flats, executive apartments, executive condominiums and built-to-order units! Mind you, most of which only have three bedrooms anyway. Yes, a 5-room flat has 3 bedrooms, and a dining room and a utility room (does this make sense to you)?
Have I mentioned that each of the above mentioned category has a few sub categories? How about the 3 and 4NG (new generation) flats, the "normal" 3 and 4 room flats, and the whole host of others! 4-S, 4-A, 4-A1, 4-A2, 4-I, 5-S, 5-I, 5-A! The differences? Essentially, a few square centimetres!
Call a real estate agent, just have a normal conversation and tell her/him you’re interested in buying a flat, even before she begins counting her commission, she’ll drown you in questions you never knew existed, so obviously can not answer?
"Are you planning to buy a house within 2KM of your parents?" , "Uh, I don’t know, if I can get one…"
"Are you taking the $40,000 or $50,000 rebate?" , "can I have both?"
"Are you married?", "no… planning to"
When are you getting married?, "soon…"
"Is he Singaporean?", "uh…"
"What race is he?", "uh…"
She was firing questions faster than I could begin to answer them. I was just waiting for her to ask me what was my shoe size, but then she got down to money matters. First off, "how much do you earn", "and what is your partner’s salary".
By the time we had settled her questions and decided which part of Singapore (which suddenly seemed too big to me), I wanted to reside in, she told me she would begin to arrange viewings. Fine, so it was ok thus far, although I feel that my personal details are no longer mine (strange feeling for someone who writes about her life in the papers).
So she calls me the next day, and tells me that she has 4 flats open for viewing at Holland Village, before I can exclaim in joy and dig out my diary, she informs me "but ah, Indian cannot"!
Leaving me spluttering in dismay, she then tells me that actually there are no available flats open for sale to Indians, as the Indian quotas for that area are full! After a few such phone calls, I’ve surrendered. I told her to call me the next time there is an "Indian flat" open. After all, on my salary I think it might take a while to reach $8000, and since I’m not married, under 35 and don’t plan to apply for a flat with my parents, I have all the time in the world!
However, HDB does need to make itself far more friendly to the busy yuppie with little time to battle with estate agents who want to palm you the first flat you don’t say NO to. Perhaps HDB-accredited agents who receive commissions from HDB directly, so that they are more patient with clients?
Buying a house is often a dream come true, although I have time on my hands, the fact that my dream is beginning to be tinged with nightmarish aspects doesn’t please me!
Friday, January 05, 2007
Back-to-school!
It’s that time of year again, when malls are overflowing with children screaming that this year power-puff girls/astro-man are out of fashion and don’t the department stores have “desperate housewives” schoolbags? I’m not talking about gifts! I mean back-to-school shopping.
I have a younger, school-going brother, so trust me, I know how passionate children get about their school kits. My mom often remarks that in her day, having a schoolbag and not having to share (BATA brand) school shoes with siblings were already dreams come true. Not that I identify with that thought, but I do miss back-to-school shopping, yet I never wanted a desperate housewives schoolbag!
I loved going back to school, it meant going to the uniform store and trying on new sets of uniforms, the fondness for the smell of new clothes has not left me to this day. It was a moment in my life when I genuinely wanted to know that my dress size had increased and I was taller! The elderly Chinese lady in the yang-tze-kiang uniform shop would look me up and down and always pick out the correct size for me to try! Despite all the horrible things I thought about my uniform the rest of the year (shapeless, boring, etc), that one day, in the sparkling white shirt and rich navy pinafore, I loved my uniform.
Uniforms were followed by wrapping paper for books, stationery, a new bag for school, a lunch box and matching water bottle! The thrill I got while buying all this and then prohibiting myself from using it until the first day of school made me look forward intensely to school. There was something special about shopping for school, the thrill of wondering what your best friend is going to buy and how to pick things for yourself that you are the undoubted queen of waterbottles/schoolbags,etc.
The last stop on the big day was BATA. The term is still synonymous to me with school! Until a few years back, I was convinced that BATA was a local brand and only Singaporean children wore BATA shoes to school! Then I realised that many children from many different countries thought that BATA was solely theirs! What amazing branding!
The field is wider for schoolchildren these days, my brother’s main concern is whether Nike shoes are cool enough or should he buy (a third pair) of Adidas Climacools. Schools have since allowed track shoes to be worn and BATA shoes are no longer a must buy on the shopping list. When I was a kid the choices were limited to BATA with laces, or BATA with laces and a velcro strap.
I figure the magic of back-to-school shopping has changed, and I’ve become a relic, but hey, maybe it was more fun in “my time”. Our parents wanted the goods, we had them and so wanted them to have cute pictures, and the children who shop these days have dumped cute pictures in favour of cuter logos and heavier price tags. The magic I remember was not concerned with price, maybe the children of today understand things differently and their brand of magic can be bought.
I have a younger, school-going brother, so trust me, I know how passionate children get about their school kits. My mom often remarks that in her day, having a schoolbag and not having to share (BATA brand) school shoes with siblings were already dreams come true. Not that I identify with that thought, but I do miss back-to-school shopping, yet I never wanted a desperate housewives schoolbag!
I loved going back to school, it meant going to the uniform store and trying on new sets of uniforms, the fondness for the smell of new clothes has not left me to this day. It was a moment in my life when I genuinely wanted to know that my dress size had increased and I was taller! The elderly Chinese lady in the yang-tze-kiang uniform shop would look me up and down and always pick out the correct size for me to try! Despite all the horrible things I thought about my uniform the rest of the year (shapeless, boring, etc), that one day, in the sparkling white shirt and rich navy pinafore, I loved my uniform.
Uniforms were followed by wrapping paper for books, stationery, a new bag for school, a lunch box and matching water bottle! The thrill I got while buying all this and then prohibiting myself from using it until the first day of school made me look forward intensely to school. There was something special about shopping for school, the thrill of wondering what your best friend is going to buy and how to pick things for yourself that you are the undoubted queen of waterbottles/schoolbags,etc.
The last stop on the big day was BATA. The term is still synonymous to me with school! Until a few years back, I was convinced that BATA was a local brand and only Singaporean children wore BATA shoes to school! Then I realised that many children from many different countries thought that BATA was solely theirs! What amazing branding!
The field is wider for schoolchildren these days, my brother’s main concern is whether Nike shoes are cool enough or should he buy (a third pair) of Adidas Climacools. Schools have since allowed track shoes to be worn and BATA shoes are no longer a must buy on the shopping list. When I was a kid the choices were limited to BATA with laces, or BATA with laces and a velcro strap.
I figure the magic of back-to-school shopping has changed, and I’ve become a relic, but hey, maybe it was more fun in “my time”. Our parents wanted the goods, we had them and so wanted them to have cute pictures, and the children who shop these days have dumped cute pictures in favour of cuter logos and heavier price tags. The magic I remember was not concerned with price, maybe the children of today understand things differently and their brand of magic can be bought.
The article that made me (in)famous
Arts students should shape up or ship out
By Ratna Tiwary
December 02, 2006
THERE is constant discussion on campus about why graduates from the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences are unable to land jobs easily.
I read in the papers some months back about a woman lamenting her jobless fate as an arts honours graduate despite having submitted more than 2,000 applications.
As a final-year arts student, having already had many good offers, I am beginning to think that it's more about the lack of effort put in by undergraduates in looking for a job, or how they go about planning it.
I've done two internships while studying, both of which I found after sending my resume to several companies.
My friends asked why I needed to intern twice, and my answer was simple: Experience helps.
When I began applying for jobs in my last semester, they thought I was too kiasu, but I had the last laugh after landing a job.
On the one hand, I agree that many globally-ranked universities have excellent career placement programmes, something local universities are still trying to establish by widening and strengthening alumni relations - in the hope that alumni members will offer job opportunities to new graduates.
But how much longer will our students be spoon-fed everything?
The job market is expanding, but it seems that nothing is good enough for our fresh graduates, least of all arts graduates who expect reserved seats in the civil service.
I spoke to an assistant dean at the National University of Singapore for an interview I was conducting for the faculty newsletter last year, and his comments stayed with me.
He said that most arts graduates begin job hunting only after graduation, when the good positions have generally been taken by foreign-educated graduates or more proactive students.
The other problem is, few graduates bother dressing up for interviews, with many turning up in jeans or even shorts. Some students just do not bother, assuming their degree will 'take them places'.
Such an attitude not only reflects badly on them, but eventually, on the faculty and university as well. Which company would want to hire someone with no grooming skills?
Foreign students turn up for career talks and seminars in suits and ties; local students go in casual wear. For all the good intentions the alumni may have of hiring local students, can we blame them for taking on 'foreign talent'?
In mixed faculty classes, the ones who seldom complete assignments are generally arts students.
Unfortunately, these habits have carried over into working life for some students, and this minority has created an image of arts grads that others have to live down.
During an interview with a foreign publishing company, my interviewer was surprised to learn that I consciously chose to join the faculty, and not because I could not get into Law or Medicine.
I know of an arts undergrad who is pursuing her degree with less than half-hearted interest, doing a degree with the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants on the side, and a dance diploma as a backup. According to her, she's doing this merely to be known as an NUS grad.
These students are a minority, but that doesn't mean they can be ignored.
The university ought to assess the capabilities of its students and their aptitude for the arts field before granting them admittance.
There are already interview procedures in place for borderline students wishing to enter the faculty; and although I can see logistical difficulties, I think this procedure should be extended to all students applying for the faculty.
I take pride in my degree, and I know that I have worked for it. It was a choice I made to pursue a career in the arts field.
How many of my fellow final-year university mates can say as much?
By Ratna Tiwary
December 02, 2006
THERE is constant discussion on campus about why graduates from the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences are unable to land jobs easily.
I read in the papers some months back about a woman lamenting her jobless fate as an arts honours graduate despite having submitted more than 2,000 applications.
As a final-year arts student, having already had many good offers, I am beginning to think that it's more about the lack of effort put in by undergraduates in looking for a job, or how they go about planning it.
I've done two internships while studying, both of which I found after sending my resume to several companies.
My friends asked why I needed to intern twice, and my answer was simple: Experience helps.
When I began applying for jobs in my last semester, they thought I was too kiasu, but I had the last laugh after landing a job.
On the one hand, I agree that many globally-ranked universities have excellent career placement programmes, something local universities are still trying to establish by widening and strengthening alumni relations - in the hope that alumni members will offer job opportunities to new graduates.
But how much longer will our students be spoon-fed everything?
The job market is expanding, but it seems that nothing is good enough for our fresh graduates, least of all arts graduates who expect reserved seats in the civil service.
I spoke to an assistant dean at the National University of Singapore for an interview I was conducting for the faculty newsletter last year, and his comments stayed with me.
He said that most arts graduates begin job hunting only after graduation, when the good positions have generally been taken by foreign-educated graduates or more proactive students.
The other problem is, few graduates bother dressing up for interviews, with many turning up in jeans or even shorts. Some students just do not bother, assuming their degree will 'take them places'.
Such an attitude not only reflects badly on them, but eventually, on the faculty and university as well. Which company would want to hire someone with no grooming skills?
Foreign students turn up for career talks and seminars in suits and ties; local students go in casual wear. For all the good intentions the alumni may have of hiring local students, can we blame them for taking on 'foreign talent'?
In mixed faculty classes, the ones who seldom complete assignments are generally arts students.
Unfortunately, these habits have carried over into working life for some students, and this minority has created an image of arts grads that others have to live down.
During an interview with a foreign publishing company, my interviewer was surprised to learn that I consciously chose to join the faculty, and not because I could not get into Law or Medicine.
I know of an arts undergrad who is pursuing her degree with less than half-hearted interest, doing a degree with the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants on the side, and a dance diploma as a backup. According to her, she's doing this merely to be known as an NUS grad.
These students are a minority, but that doesn't mean they can be ignored.
The university ought to assess the capabilities of its students and their aptitude for the arts field before granting them admittance.
There are already interview procedures in place for borderline students wishing to enter the faculty; and although I can see logistical difficulties, I think this procedure should be extended to all students applying for the faculty.
I take pride in my degree, and I know that I have worked for it. It was a choice I made to pursue a career in the arts field.
How many of my fellow final-year university mates can say as much?
Friday, November 03, 2006
Varsity life
tThere must be no other community as diverse and as integrated as the one we experience in university days! Every single person comes from a different background and yet each of those different people are in classes together, working on projects together and waging the fight for better grades together.
It is that magical period of life where racism and other communal biases come to a temporary standstill; while it is not utopia, it is a wonderful respite from the world and many a graduate turns to post-graduate programmes in an attempt to remain in this utopia instead of facing the trials of a job and the working world in general. I know many students who choose to pursue further studies in almost any field, simply to stay on in school. The idea of not having a professor to run to, living without steady pocket money, and the knowledge that school fees will be paid (or else there is financial aid), is simply too scary a thought for them. To be fair however, the country is relatively well prepared for the influx of graduates every July and most employers are understanding enough to help ease the fresh graduates into the pace of work slowly.
College life and culture is reminiscent of hippie-life and culture, most sins are forgiven and there is acceptance of very liberal concepts of life. In the blink of an eye one can see a girl in little more than a bikini, talking and hugging a girl covered in a burqa. Male students dress in everything ranging from freshly ironed shirts and trousers to singlets and running shorts!
A short walk to the canteen will show a myriad of cuisines – everything ranging from Japanese to Vietnamese and middle-eastern to the normal chicken rice and yong-tau-foo. More amazing is the sight of locals experimenting with kebab rolls while the exchange students they are dining with are flushing red at the spice in the chicken curry of the Indian stall, and the ever conscious dieters dine on salads and tea without milk.
Classes must be the same everywhere, but the cacophony of different languages buzzing on the same topics never fails to make me smile. Wherever these students may be from and whatever their majors of study, departments and sub-departments, their worries differ little – deadlines, essays and of course, dating and gossip.
Not everyone has friends in every lecture and freshmen sitting alone are often pleasantly surprised when their neighbours include them in the general complaining about the university and the people in it. It is indeed an anomaly in the same country where people refuse to smile at each other in the MRT!
Considering that most polytechnic graduates start work about the same age that undergraduates start university, the massive difference in mindsets and behaviour must be acknowledged. University students get college life as an extra holiday from real life and are allowed to soak in the academic, yet fun and playful atmosphere of university. In my experience polytechnic students tend to be more pragmatic and hands-on, while the university graduates tend to be more focused on ‘thinking’ and analysing different patterns before working them out. This is a wonderful work structure, to have different people, equipped with different talents in a multi-ethnic and multi-talented nation.
Despite the ever looming deadlines of essays and presentations, the seemingly terrible number of lectures and tutorials to attend, as well as consultations and project meetings; university life is a period which most students come to see as the most golden period of their lives. Education is not just the best personal investment one can make but an investment by society as well.
All school fees (right up to university) are heavily subsidised in Singapore, so technically every taxpayer can be said to have paid for my education. What then does the tax payer get for this? Well, a graduate stores up the experiences of university and applies them to life. We live in a multicultural world and it is the experiences of mingling that one learns in educational institutions that allow many of us to attain success in the right places. As the HSBC advertisements strive to tell us, different cultures see things differently, body art may seem taboo to some, while it may be a sacred ritual for others. The myriad cultures intermingling in university provides an excellent entry point to the world.
The best thing about university life, from my experience thus far, is the fact that almost all students have finally realised that an education includes more than getting a piece of paper to frame on the wall. Hallways ring with laughter and flirtations, but there are snippets of conversations on human rights mingled with talk on the latest buy-over of some company and the newest medical technology.
This is not to say that students who are here merely to gain that wall decoration do not exist in the university; they most certainly do, but they are certainly rarer a species than the pseudo-academic.
University experience is indeed a wonderful experience and gives one the opportunity and the maturity to truly experience different cultures and ways of life, to fall in and out of love, to fall and pick oneself up, to learn and laugh and live, with few criticisms; because college education is simply, to complete one’s education.
It is that magical period of life where racism and other communal biases come to a temporary standstill; while it is not utopia, it is a wonderful respite from the world and many a graduate turns to post-graduate programmes in an attempt to remain in this utopia instead of facing the trials of a job and the working world in general. I know many students who choose to pursue further studies in almost any field, simply to stay on in school. The idea of not having a professor to run to, living without steady pocket money, and the knowledge that school fees will be paid (or else there is financial aid), is simply too scary a thought for them. To be fair however, the country is relatively well prepared for the influx of graduates every July and most employers are understanding enough to help ease the fresh graduates into the pace of work slowly.
College life and culture is reminiscent of hippie-life and culture, most sins are forgiven and there is acceptance of very liberal concepts of life. In the blink of an eye one can see a girl in little more than a bikini, talking and hugging a girl covered in a burqa. Male students dress in everything ranging from freshly ironed shirts and trousers to singlets and running shorts!
A short walk to the canteen will show a myriad of cuisines – everything ranging from Japanese to Vietnamese and middle-eastern to the normal chicken rice and yong-tau-foo. More amazing is the sight of locals experimenting with kebab rolls while the exchange students they are dining with are flushing red at the spice in the chicken curry of the Indian stall, and the ever conscious dieters dine on salads and tea without milk.
Classes must be the same everywhere, but the cacophony of different languages buzzing on the same topics never fails to make me smile. Wherever these students may be from and whatever their majors of study, departments and sub-departments, their worries differ little – deadlines, essays and of course, dating and gossip.
Not everyone has friends in every lecture and freshmen sitting alone are often pleasantly surprised when their neighbours include them in the general complaining about the university and the people in it. It is indeed an anomaly in the same country where people refuse to smile at each other in the MRT!
Considering that most polytechnic graduates start work about the same age that undergraduates start university, the massive difference in mindsets and behaviour must be acknowledged. University students get college life as an extra holiday from real life and are allowed to soak in the academic, yet fun and playful atmosphere of university. In my experience polytechnic students tend to be more pragmatic and hands-on, while the university graduates tend to be more focused on ‘thinking’ and analysing different patterns before working them out. This is a wonderful work structure, to have different people, equipped with different talents in a multi-ethnic and multi-talented nation.
Despite the ever looming deadlines of essays and presentations, the seemingly terrible number of lectures and tutorials to attend, as well as consultations and project meetings; university life is a period which most students come to see as the most golden period of their lives. Education is not just the best personal investment one can make but an investment by society as well.
All school fees (right up to university) are heavily subsidised in Singapore, so technically every taxpayer can be said to have paid for my education. What then does the tax payer get for this? Well, a graduate stores up the experiences of university and applies them to life. We live in a multicultural world and it is the experiences of mingling that one learns in educational institutions that allow many of us to attain success in the right places. As the HSBC advertisements strive to tell us, different cultures see things differently, body art may seem taboo to some, while it may be a sacred ritual for others. The myriad cultures intermingling in university provides an excellent entry point to the world.
The best thing about university life, from my experience thus far, is the fact that almost all students have finally realised that an education includes more than getting a piece of paper to frame on the wall. Hallways ring with laughter and flirtations, but there are snippets of conversations on human rights mingled with talk on the latest buy-over of some company and the newest medical technology.
This is not to say that students who are here merely to gain that wall decoration do not exist in the university; they most certainly do, but they are certainly rarer a species than the pseudo-academic.
University experience is indeed a wonderful experience and gives one the opportunity and the maturity to truly experience different cultures and ways of life, to fall in and out of love, to fall and pick oneself up, to learn and laugh and live, with few criticisms; because college education is simply, to complete one’s education.
Wednesday, October 25, 2006
A comparison study of caste practices between North Indian Brahmins in Diasporic Societies, especially Singapore; and the homeland.
Introduction:
The current Indian Diaspora all over the world is made up of two main waves of immigration; one would be in the mid and late 19th century as part of the British policy of indentured labour; and the second would be in the mid 20th century, post-partition era where many professionals moved out of India to other more profitable areas, Singapore included.
In the first wave, the Indian indentured labourers were transplanted to areas such as Malaysia, Singapore, Burma, South America, Fiji, Surinam and Guyana. Many of these labourers were of North Indian Origin. Of these migrants, a significant number must have been of Brahmin origin . Other than the indentured labourers, there were a small number of immigrants who came to these states of their own free will, to set up businesses or provide professional expertise. This move across the dreaded “kala pani ” would have stripped them of all rights that their caste brought along with it, in fact stripping them of their high caste and rendering them ‘untouchable’.
However, these immigrants had little choice but to make the crossing as the need to feed and clothe their children was far more pressing. The economics of the situation outweighed any social stigmas that came along with it. However, upon reaching the new land, wherever it was, these Brahmins (yes, they still saw themselves as Brahmins), continued to fit in their caste practices and languages into their new lives. In fact, as this essay discusses, these immigrants hung onto their caste and cultural practices very strongly, relying upon them as an identity in a land where they were a tiny minority.
With time, India has moved on and matured as a society, discarding certain practices and modifying others; and these Diasporic groups, now labelled People of Indian Origin (PIOs) by the Indian government have become relics, left behind by the tides of time. It is rare to find now, in the motherland, a moustachioed, janeu-wearing, dhoti clad Brahmin man chatting away in Awadhi or Bhojpuri, or any one of a dozen Northern-Indian dialects, trying to find a good Brahmin match for his daughter. In fact, many Brahmins in India simply allow their daughters to work and find their own matches, the degree of freedom and gender equality in India is far greater than that afforded by Diasporic Indians to their female progeny.
The ‘fossilisation’ of certain practices has made these Diasporic groups outcastes all over again, both in India, which they have for so long revered and tried to be a part of by preserving the Indian culture of a hundred years back, as well as in their adopted lands, which they seldom, if ever, tried to become a part of.
This essay aims to examine the differences and similarities between North-Indian Brahmins in urban Indian societies and in the Diasporic group in Singapore. There is a significant void in current literature on the study of Brahmins in a modern society, especially in the context of the Indian Diaspora; as such the methodology of this paper will rely largely on interviews with Indians resident in India, through email and telephone; as well as interviews with local Brahmin leaders and Priests as well as local Brahmin laypeople. Yeo Chor Siang’s study of Singapore’s Bihari Dairymen provides a good guide for this paper; however due to space constraints, I will focus more on cultural practices of the Brahmins instead of their economic practices. This paper will examine the appearances of these two groups, as well as the languages and dialects they use and interact in, and their practices, social, cultural and religious.
Appearance:
“The home itself becomes, to an increasing degree, the only environment in which a traditional Hindu life can be maintained. ” In the Diasporic experience, there can be said to be a concentrated effort to maintain and retain the values which these migrants practiced in the homeland. In the Singapore Brahmin experience, we will analyse how the immigrants and their progeny differ from their counterparts in the homeland.
There are certain practices that Brahmins ought to maintain in order to be recognised as one; this section of this paper will examine and compare these traits across Singapore and India; especially the urban centres of the latter.
According to Pt. Ramji Shastri of Laxmi Narayan Mandir, the only North-Indian temple in Singapore, for males, these outward traits are the wearing of the sacred-thread (janeu), the maintaining of a little tail of uncut hair (churki), a mark of sandalwood paste on the forehead (chandan) and finally, the greeting of others with hands folded and a slight bending down (bandan). Finally, there has also developed a habit of not shaving the moustache of a male until the death of his father. With regards to female Brahmins, there are no outward appearances of their caste, but they are generally sheltered and have their head covered; this will be addressed under the section on practices and religion.
To begin with the moustache, my interaction with India-based Indians has revealed that the moustache is seldom maintained in urban centres today. It is perceived as being both messy and old-fashioned. In Singapore, the perceptions of the moustache are similar, but a casual glance around the male half of the prayer hall at Laxmi Narayan Mandir will show that many of them do maintain moustaches; including the younger generation. In fact, the need to preserve this outward mark of a socio-religious belief is so strong that many parents seek letters from the temple priests to certify that this is indeed a valid custom to present to school principals in a bid to exempt their sons from school rules regarding the prohibition of maintaining facial hair in schools.
The janeu has suffered similarly in the homeland context, where my respondents told me that is an embarrassment in intimate situations . There are two schools of thought with regards to the janeu, one being that it is better to skip it altogether than to wear it and desecrate it by not following the proper protocol attached to it . The other school believes in wearing it as a reminder of one’s identity, in the hope that the physical symbol will make it easier to maintain other, intangible, Brahmanic values. In Singapore and India, the ceremony where a young boy is made to wear the janeu is known as the yagyopaveet ceremony and this is celebrated with great pomp and splendour as this represents the “second birth” of the male concerned, this time as a proper Brahmin. The main difference in the two countries with regard to the janeu is the age at which the yagyopaveet is performed. In Singapore, the ceremony is usually performed when the male is grown-up enough to understand the meaning of the sacred thread and attempt to maintain the values attached to it; usually in the teenage years. In India however, this ceremony is often ignored until it is time for the male to marry . In India my respondents remarked that the janeu was usually ignored once the ceremony was over, worn only for religious rituals. In Singapore, the case is not radically different, but post-marriage, many Brahmin men do take to wearing the janeu daily, claiming that they then begin to lead a more ‘settled’ life and are thus not desecrating the janeu. This phenomenon is also noted in a discussion with Dr. Amit Mishra with regards to Brahmins in Mauritius and Fiji; the observation being that even among the Diasporic societies in those two states, the wearing of the sacred-thread is a common, every-day part of life.
With regards to the putting on of the chandan and performing bandan; both of these are usually practiced only in the temple; in both countries. However, the main difference between the two countries is that, in the Singaporean context, Indians are a minority and Brahmins a smaller minority within a minority; so performing bandan would be quite irrelevant in an everyday context, as the majority Chinese in Singapore would both be puzzled and would even treat the act as something beyond their comprehension. There is no such problem in the homeland, yet the fading out of this practice only goes to show that the ‘modernisation’ of Indian values has replaced the bandan with the handshake. The chandan shares the same experience, in Singapore it would be seen to be unprofessional and require extensive explanations, somewhat explaining its lack on weekdays; in India it is understood to be what it is, yet the homeland Brahmins choose to ignore it and classify these symbols as ‘backward’.
The churki is probably the most ‘invisible’ Brahmanic symbol; as often seen to be the most ‘backward’ of the lot. It is basically a little ‘tail’ of hair, which is not cut and usually tied up and camouflaged within the hair. It is seldom seen in either country now but it is still more prevalent in Singapore than in urban centres, among the older generation, it is however, common among the rural Brahmins in India. A simple explanation for this is that it can tend to look slightly messy and present an ‘unprofessional’ exterior for those working in big companies, a problem that the older generation in Singapore and the rural population of India do not face.
On the note on appearance, the traditional outfits of North India, the dhoti for men and the sari for grown women are both seldom seen in the urban centres of India and the business life of Singapore. However, on Sundays when most of the North-Indian community of Singapore gather at the temple, most married women turn up in saris and unmarried girls in salwaar-kameez. Although the men do not wear dhotis, most of them are armed with the knowledge of knowing how to wear one. My India-based informants told me that most of them did not know how to wear a dhoti or a sari properly; they were worn only on festival occasions and even then they were helped by their parents and family members.
The comparisons above go on to prove the thesis of this paper, that Brahmanic and ‘Indian’ symbols are far more common in Diasporic societies than they are in the homeland. A large part of this can be attributed to the love one develops for what one lacks in life. The Diasporic groups hang on to these physical signs of their culture and identity as they fear being merged into the mainstream group of Singapore Indians otherwise. Brahmin surnames are not known among the masses for being ‘Brahmin’, as such, the main feature of the Brahmin identity has already disappeared in Singapore, while most India-based Indians know the different caste-names, thus there is a less passionate need to maintain these other symbols of identity among homeland Brahmins. This is seen in the above comparisons but also in the importance that the head covering had to Diasporic women; it was difficult to get traditional Indian saris and salwaar-kameez in the early Diasporic settlements, as such they tended to wear the sarong-kebaya in Malaya and western dresses in the Caribbean islands; but they made it a point to keep their heads and thus their modesty covered. This is merely a custom among Brahmin women to protect them from the male gaze and not religious in nature, yet it remains an important part of their culture. These very same symbols are not so important to women in the urban areas of India, where they are merely viewed as cumbersome and a sign of backwardness and outdated caste-consciousness.
Practices:
Attire and appearances aside, the most important aspect of a study on any group of people would be their practices. It is a commonly acknowledged fact that in the life of a Hindu, there are 3 main events – birth, marriage and death. These three are celebrated on a grand scale and as previously mentioned, in the life of the Brahmin, in between the first two, there is also the yagyopaveet ceremony.
The marriage is definitely one of the most important ceremonies of a Hindu’s life, Brahmins notwithstanding. Marriage in the Brahmin community is a grand scale celebration. There is a lead up to the actual wedding with the search for the bride/groom, matching of horoscopes, picking of a date to exchange rings and finalise the match, discussions on issues like dowries and wedding locations, the engagement party, various pre-wedding ceremonies and finally the wedding itself.
The Brahman caste or class is divided into ten sections, all based upon geographical distribution, which differs in customs and standing and do not intermarry . The UP Brahmins can be divided into a further two groups, the Kanyakubj and Saryuparin Brahmins who are by caste-rules allowed to take daan , and the second group of Brahmins who are not. While caste and sub-castes are obviously important to Brahmins in relation to marriage, so are gotras. Gotra is the Sanskrit term for a much older system of tribal clans; it was initially used by the Vedic people for the identification of the lineages. Generally, these lineages refer to a line of patrilineal descent from the mythical sages or rishis among Brahmins; warriors and administrators among Kshatriyas ; and ancestors among Vaishyas
Within the Singapore community, we see a continuance of such practices and the importance of gotra and sub-castes in terms of marriage. In order to preserve this ‘purity’ of caste and sub-caste, there is a significant trend of ‘importing’ brides from rural villages of India, where the women are generally believed to be more unaware of worldly issues and rather more ‘untouched’. In the Singapore case, trends of dowry-giving and announcing the amount given during the wedding ceremony are not uncommon during Brahmin weddings. Age-old mindsets that good wives ought not work is another reason for the ‘importing’ of rural brides as these women are more amenable to working in the home and are generally not educationally qualified to join the Singaporean workforce.
In the urban sectors of India, marriage and its planning have changed drastically. A simple scan of Brahmin matches posted on any one of a dozen matrimonial sites will show that resident Indians are more open to inter sub-caste marriages than the Diasporic community. Inter sub-caste marriages are frowned upon in Diasporic communities until there is absolutely no choice in the matter, as one Saryuparin Brahmin respondent recounted that her parents agreed to her inter-sub caste marriage (to a Kanyakubj Brahmin) because there were no Saryuparin Brahmin boys of her educational qualifications single and available at the time when she was ready for marriage.
Family life is very highly valued in Diasporic societies and joint families and finances are more common than they are in resident Indian families. Yeo Chor Siang notes similar trends among Bihari Dairymen in her study on them . These trends have become ‘outdated’ in India as many couples marry and move away from the family home and set up nuclear families of their own. My resident Indian respondents noted that it was believed among their parents that nuclear families provided a more modern and cosmopolitan approach to life; whereas joint families were inherently political and held one back from moving forward in life.
In terms of the larger society, there are also various caste rules of purity that Brahmins are expected to follow; both within the home and outside. According to traditional rules of purity, a barber cuts their hair and nails, and is paid in cash for doing this polluting service, which traditional rules of purity do not allow caste Hindus to perform for themselves . This is practiced widely in the rural areas of India and among the older Diaspora in Singapore. The dearth of barbers willing to provide this service has ensured that most local Indians, as well as urban settled resident Indians go to hairdressers and modern barbers to get their hair trimmed. The cutting of nails has become a matter of personal hygiene as there are no more barbers willing to perform this service.
Caste rules also prohibit members of the ‘untouchable’ castes from entering the homes of Brahmins or temples where Brahmins attend functions for fear of polluting the space. In the early days of the Diaspora, both these rules were adhered to. Until the mid 1960s, there was no inter-dining and entrance into caste homes for non-caste Indians . In the south Indian Brahmin context, Mani comments:
It can be said that the caste situation was one in which the Indian social system was implanted with minor modifications. This system was kept revitalised by the constant journeys to… home villages after … [a] tour of duty in Singapore… [caste difference was further strengthened] by the fact that most caste-Hindus came [to Singapore] to earn a living as shopkeepers and itinerant labourers, whilst the Adi-drividas came largely to be employed as ‘coolies’ in the Municipality and the British installations .
The same situation applied to the North Indian, UP/Bihar community of Brahmins, a large number of Brahmins came as milkmen and traders under the free immigration laws whereas a large number of the non-caste Hindus came as watchmen and coolies. The situation has changed over time, one main reason being the move into HDB flats in Singapore. These flats are situated next to each other with no common space where a caste and non-caste Hindu can have a discussion , also the upward mobility allowed in Singapore placed members of many different castes on the same social strata, thus eradicating many of the traditional caste differences. As a result, in Laxmi Narayan temple today, you can see chamar women in the temple, sitting and worshipping with ladies of all castes. In this new ‘caste system’, there is respect for age and social station more so than for caste in Singapore; however, as mentioned above, respect while in its place, does not mean that intermarriage is encouraged. Similarly in the urban areas of India although rules governing entrance into temples are stricter and there are different non-caste temples built for the untouchable groups, a phenomenon impossible in tiny Singapore with such a small community of such people. Untouchability rules are however still prevalent in village setups and rural areas in India.
It is undeniable that ‘caste though changed, remains important to Indians ’. Mani comments that in the South Indian Diaspora, each caste “tried to insulate itself not by seeking ascendancy over others, but to help itself not to lose its identity. They ‘involuted’ by maintaining a strict endogamy, and they began to ‘compartmentalize’ their social norms with regard to each caste, other Tamils, and other Singaporeans ” The same situation applied to the UP/Bihar Brahmins who can be said to have compartmentalized their social norms and caste-rules, albeit with modifications, in order to maintain their identity.
Food habits:
A discussion of food habits of Brahmins between the homeland and the Diaspora is of the few areas where the resident Indian community will be seen to be maintaining stricter rules than the Diasporic communities; however, there is a very simple explanation for this, as well as a reversing trend.
Brahmins are by caste-rules strict vegetarians, abstaining even from ‘heaty and aphrodisiac’ foods such as garlic and onions. However in the early Diasporic communities is was very difficult to remain vegetarian given the limited food options, what more cutting out onion and garlic from food. Most of the local respondents have at some time in their lives been eating non-vegetarian food, especially in the families of the earlier settlers; i.e. those who came before partition in India. However, in their old age, many of these settlers and their families do revert back to vegetarianism. In India, it is much easier to preserve vegetarianism given the wider range of options available as well as the fact that there is a large family structure to fall back upon, with home-cooked food readily available. This latter option was not open to many of the early settlers who were either bachelors or men travelling alone, with their families left in India.
In current urban India, many Brahmins families are dual-income and lack the time to cook, while there is no dearth of vegetarian food options in India, fast-food and western non-vegetarian options are gaining popularity. On the other hand, in Diasporic communities, wider food options and more time for cooking are reversing the non-vegetarian trend and vegetarianism is making a comeback among the people.
Still on the discussion of food, Hinduism is a religion which is often practiced through a variety of fasts, Yeo Chor Siang notes in her study that over 40 fasts are widely known, while only about a quarter of these are practiced . The major Hindu festivals when fasts would be observed include MahaShivraatri and KrishnaJanamashtmi. These are two of the most major religious festivals of Hinduism and in both Diasporic and resident communities are celebrated on large scales. However, the small number of the Diasporic community could be one reason for the unity with which these are celebrated, with almost all members of the community turning up at the Laxmi Narayan temple to sing and celebrate together. Those members who are offering ‘Prasad ’ ensure that the forbidden foods are not included in the Prasad.
Other than these fasts, women maintain a certain repertoire of fasts unto themselves; these include the teej fast for their husbands, Saraswati Jayanti fast for their children and the chaath fast for their families. The teej is especially common in the UP/Bihar region and is widely practiced among the Singapore Diasporic community. Women fast without water and celebrate in the evenings with communal hymn singing in the temple and dressing up in new clothes and jewellery gifted by their husbands. Among the urban resident Indian community however, the teej fast is fast losing out to the more popular Karva Chauth fast; this fast has been popularised among the masses through television serials and Hollywood movies; thus making it seem more ‘upmarket and modern’ than the teej fast. These urban Indian women seldom practice the other ritual fasts also, the reasons for this are many, including the fact that many of them are working and find it difficult to abstain from food. On the same note, it must be noted that some of the Diasporic community women are also working wives, yet they make an effort to maintain their repertoire of fasts, as one respondent questioned, “if we don’t fast, what values and habits will we be passing on to our children”.
Women are also supposed to be deemed ‘impure’ while menstruating and ought not touch the prayer altar or enter the kitchen to maintain the purity of these places. This is slowly being phased out in resident Indian families settled in urban areas today; however it has long since been phased out among the Diaspora. This ritual is almost impossible to maintain due to nuclear families and the fact that there was only one woman in the household and if she were to abstain from cooking, the men and children of the household would have to forage for themselves. In most homes, only the altar on which the Gods are placed has remained true to the traditional rules of pollution and purity .
Religion:
“People seek contexts of religious activity in which they can communicate with religious specialists and other participants in their own language, and in which they have clear ideas of what to expect and what is expected of them. ” There has been a clear reduction in the amount of time available for ceremonial activity, with the result that religion becomes largely, an activity for weekday evenings and Sunday mornings. This is clearly demonstrated by the fact that in the Laxmi Narayan temple, the largest turnouts are on Sunday mornings, followed by certain weekday evenings. The Tuesday afternoon hymn-singing sessions are attended only by retirees and housewives. The working hours and professionalism required by one in the Diasporic communities and urban areas in India has resulted in a subtle change in the ways one attends temple functions, work takes a priority to this outward expression of religiousness.
It has also changed the way that many religious festivals are celebrated in Singapore. “In recent times, only one widely-observed Hindu festival – Dipavali – has had the status of a public holiday. Other festivals unless they happen to fall on weekends, must inevitably compete with other obligations… The overall result is a situation in which many festivals must be celebrated in a reduced scale in the evenings. ” This situation is very different from that in the homeland where leeways are accorded for major religious festivals and holidays granted accordingly allowing these festivals to be celebrated as they ought to be, generally in the mornings.
The order of the Gods in the Hindu pantheon has also changed in the Diasporic communities, Henry’s study in UP shows that mother goddesses are usually worshipped by lower castes; although high castes still cannot escape the worship of mother goddess due to her malevolent nature if ignored . In the local context, more or less all castes perform mother goddess worship, but Brahmins were loath to sponsor private mother goddess prayers in the early years. However, in the current context, every Tuesday afternoon is dedicated to the worship of the mother goddess, by women of all castes in the UP/Bihar Diaspora community. One reason mentioned by my respondents for this phenomenon could be that the mother goddess is seen as a protector, which would be something that immigrants would have felt they needed in building their lives in a new land; thus her popularity among all castes, including Brahmins.
A similar explanation is available for the Hanuman Chalisa being sung by women in the aforementioned temple. The Hanuman Chalisa is a chant that is generally reserved for men as the monkey God is known to be worshipped for physical strength. He is also however, acknowledged as a protector. In the Diasporic communities, we often see a trend among the members of the community to be ‘as religious as possible’; possibly to steep themselves even deeper in their identity as Hindus, different from those around them. Also, women are always seen as the ‘religious’ symbols in families and since men in the Diaspora started out with demanding work hours, women took over the role of praying for them; thus one possible reason for the recitation of the Hanuman Chalisa by women in the Diaspora.
Religion is still something held very sacred even in urban Indian centres, although it is often ignored, it is still held sacred and resident Indians take pains to ensure that they do not listen to religious songs while lying down or performing impure acts. In the Diaspora these rules are relaxed and it is taken that as long as the heart is pure, the position one is sitting or lying in, is irrelevant to the worship of God.
There is also significantly less of a ‘temple culture’ in the Indian urban centres. The importance of the temple to Singapore is peculiar to Diasporic communities because the temple becomes a social institution as well, often the only North Indian Social institution in Diasporic settlements.
This oft-mentioned Laxmi Narayan temple in Singapore was set up in 1969 to cater to the religious needs of the Hindi-speaking community. Rather than a philosophical character, the form of Hinduism practiced in the temple veers more towards the folk-devotional . It was set up largely through donations from the community to instil a sense of cultural continuity in an environment very different from that they had left behind in India. Over time the religious institution has become a social and recreational centre, where the devotees meet to do more than just worship . It has become a form of social outing for the cloistered women of traditional Brahmin families and a chance to mingle and socialise, exchange news and gossip, and to catch up with friends and relatives . It is also an ideal place for families to get to know each other as well as new immigrants and as a result, has become the centre for the arrangement of marriages .
In the case of resident Indians, there is no need for such a strong temple culture, as there is no shortage of places to meet people of similar caste and backgrounds, as Indians are obviously a majority in that case, with social institutions already well woven into the social fabric. In the rural case, people are already well acquainted with each other and marriages and alliances are thus easier to arrange.
Conclusion:
In the words of Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, the former minister of Human Resource Development in India; travelling great distances in the search for knowledge or for economic reasons are not new, however most who travel, do not maintain contact with those they leave behind .
“But, greater the distance and the difficulties in keeping in touch, more were the chances for displaced communities to hold together and retain their identity. Even when loss of identity is rewarded or forced by the rulers who commanded their economic activities these communities had their own mechanism to remain frozen to a time vis-à-vis their belief and practices, while their brethren back home has invented and/or undergone many changes.”
Dr. Joshi’s observations are completely apt to the case of Brahmins in the Diaspora, especially with relation to the case of Singapore, as this essay proves. There have been very significant changes in the caste practices among the Saryuparin and Kanyakubj Brahmins in the urban centres of India with relation to their appearance, practices in marriages et al, as well as their outward expressions of religion and the role it plays in their lives, there is also a significant trend toward change in issues like fasting and rituals, as well as general food habits.
Inversely, the Diasporic community in Singapore has struggled to hang on to the very same notions of ‘Brahmanism” that the resident Indians are striving to shed in favour of western beliefs of modernity. The very fact that coming to a foreign land had apparently made them outcastes made the Diaspora all the more determined to protect the symbols that they saw to be the definition of their identity.
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The current Indian Diaspora all over the world is made up of two main waves of immigration; one would be in the mid and late 19th century as part of the British policy of indentured labour; and the second would be in the mid 20th century, post-partition era where many professionals moved out of India to other more profitable areas, Singapore included.
In the first wave, the Indian indentured labourers were transplanted to areas such as Malaysia, Singapore, Burma, South America, Fiji, Surinam and Guyana. Many of these labourers were of North Indian Origin. Of these migrants, a significant number must have been of Brahmin origin . Other than the indentured labourers, there were a small number of immigrants who came to these states of their own free will, to set up businesses or provide professional expertise. This move across the dreaded “kala pani ” would have stripped them of all rights that their caste brought along with it, in fact stripping them of their high caste and rendering them ‘untouchable’.
However, these immigrants had little choice but to make the crossing as the need to feed and clothe their children was far more pressing. The economics of the situation outweighed any social stigmas that came along with it. However, upon reaching the new land, wherever it was, these Brahmins (yes, they still saw themselves as Brahmins), continued to fit in their caste practices and languages into their new lives. In fact, as this essay discusses, these immigrants hung onto their caste and cultural practices very strongly, relying upon them as an identity in a land where they were a tiny minority.
With time, India has moved on and matured as a society, discarding certain practices and modifying others; and these Diasporic groups, now labelled People of Indian Origin (PIOs) by the Indian government have become relics, left behind by the tides of time. It is rare to find now, in the motherland, a moustachioed, janeu-wearing, dhoti clad Brahmin man chatting away in Awadhi or Bhojpuri, or any one of a dozen Northern-Indian dialects, trying to find a good Brahmin match for his daughter. In fact, many Brahmins in India simply allow their daughters to work and find their own matches, the degree of freedom and gender equality in India is far greater than that afforded by Diasporic Indians to their female progeny.
The ‘fossilisation’ of certain practices has made these Diasporic groups outcastes all over again, both in India, which they have for so long revered and tried to be a part of by preserving the Indian culture of a hundred years back, as well as in their adopted lands, which they seldom, if ever, tried to become a part of.
This essay aims to examine the differences and similarities between North-Indian Brahmins in urban Indian societies and in the Diasporic group in Singapore. There is a significant void in current literature on the study of Brahmins in a modern society, especially in the context of the Indian Diaspora; as such the methodology of this paper will rely largely on interviews with Indians resident in India, through email and telephone; as well as interviews with local Brahmin leaders and Priests as well as local Brahmin laypeople. Yeo Chor Siang’s study of Singapore’s Bihari Dairymen provides a good guide for this paper; however due to space constraints, I will focus more on cultural practices of the Brahmins instead of their economic practices. This paper will examine the appearances of these two groups, as well as the languages and dialects they use and interact in, and their practices, social, cultural and religious.
Appearance:
“The home itself becomes, to an increasing degree, the only environment in which a traditional Hindu life can be maintained. ” In the Diasporic experience, there can be said to be a concentrated effort to maintain and retain the values which these migrants practiced in the homeland. In the Singapore Brahmin experience, we will analyse how the immigrants and their progeny differ from their counterparts in the homeland.
There are certain practices that Brahmins ought to maintain in order to be recognised as one; this section of this paper will examine and compare these traits across Singapore and India; especially the urban centres of the latter.
According to Pt. Ramji Shastri of Laxmi Narayan Mandir, the only North-Indian temple in Singapore, for males, these outward traits are the wearing of the sacred-thread (janeu), the maintaining of a little tail of uncut hair (churki), a mark of sandalwood paste on the forehead (chandan) and finally, the greeting of others with hands folded and a slight bending down (bandan). Finally, there has also developed a habit of not shaving the moustache of a male until the death of his father. With regards to female Brahmins, there are no outward appearances of their caste, but they are generally sheltered and have their head covered; this will be addressed under the section on practices and religion.
To begin with the moustache, my interaction with India-based Indians has revealed that the moustache is seldom maintained in urban centres today. It is perceived as being both messy and old-fashioned. In Singapore, the perceptions of the moustache are similar, but a casual glance around the male half of the prayer hall at Laxmi Narayan Mandir will show that many of them do maintain moustaches; including the younger generation. In fact, the need to preserve this outward mark of a socio-religious belief is so strong that many parents seek letters from the temple priests to certify that this is indeed a valid custom to present to school principals in a bid to exempt their sons from school rules regarding the prohibition of maintaining facial hair in schools.
The janeu has suffered similarly in the homeland context, where my respondents told me that is an embarrassment in intimate situations . There are two schools of thought with regards to the janeu, one being that it is better to skip it altogether than to wear it and desecrate it by not following the proper protocol attached to it . The other school believes in wearing it as a reminder of one’s identity, in the hope that the physical symbol will make it easier to maintain other, intangible, Brahmanic values. In Singapore and India, the ceremony where a young boy is made to wear the janeu is known as the yagyopaveet ceremony and this is celebrated with great pomp and splendour as this represents the “second birth” of the male concerned, this time as a proper Brahmin. The main difference in the two countries with regard to the janeu is the age at which the yagyopaveet is performed. In Singapore, the ceremony is usually performed when the male is grown-up enough to understand the meaning of the sacred thread and attempt to maintain the values attached to it; usually in the teenage years. In India however, this ceremony is often ignored until it is time for the male to marry . In India my respondents remarked that the janeu was usually ignored once the ceremony was over, worn only for religious rituals. In Singapore, the case is not radically different, but post-marriage, many Brahmin men do take to wearing the janeu daily, claiming that they then begin to lead a more ‘settled’ life and are thus not desecrating the janeu. This phenomenon is also noted in a discussion with Dr. Amit Mishra with regards to Brahmins in Mauritius and Fiji; the observation being that even among the Diasporic societies in those two states, the wearing of the sacred-thread is a common, every-day part of life.
With regards to the putting on of the chandan and performing bandan; both of these are usually practiced only in the temple; in both countries. However, the main difference between the two countries is that, in the Singaporean context, Indians are a minority and Brahmins a smaller minority within a minority; so performing bandan would be quite irrelevant in an everyday context, as the majority Chinese in Singapore would both be puzzled and would even treat the act as something beyond their comprehension. There is no such problem in the homeland, yet the fading out of this practice only goes to show that the ‘modernisation’ of Indian values has replaced the bandan with the handshake. The chandan shares the same experience, in Singapore it would be seen to be unprofessional and require extensive explanations, somewhat explaining its lack on weekdays; in India it is understood to be what it is, yet the homeland Brahmins choose to ignore it and classify these symbols as ‘backward’.
The churki is probably the most ‘invisible’ Brahmanic symbol; as often seen to be the most ‘backward’ of the lot. It is basically a little ‘tail’ of hair, which is not cut and usually tied up and camouflaged within the hair. It is seldom seen in either country now but it is still more prevalent in Singapore than in urban centres, among the older generation, it is however, common among the rural Brahmins in India. A simple explanation for this is that it can tend to look slightly messy and present an ‘unprofessional’ exterior for those working in big companies, a problem that the older generation in Singapore and the rural population of India do not face.
On the note on appearance, the traditional outfits of North India, the dhoti for men and the sari for grown women are both seldom seen in the urban centres of India and the business life of Singapore. However, on Sundays when most of the North-Indian community of Singapore gather at the temple, most married women turn up in saris and unmarried girls in salwaar-kameez. Although the men do not wear dhotis, most of them are armed with the knowledge of knowing how to wear one. My India-based informants told me that most of them did not know how to wear a dhoti or a sari properly; they were worn only on festival occasions and even then they were helped by their parents and family members.
The comparisons above go on to prove the thesis of this paper, that Brahmanic and ‘Indian’ symbols are far more common in Diasporic societies than they are in the homeland. A large part of this can be attributed to the love one develops for what one lacks in life. The Diasporic groups hang on to these physical signs of their culture and identity as they fear being merged into the mainstream group of Singapore Indians otherwise. Brahmin surnames are not known among the masses for being ‘Brahmin’, as such, the main feature of the Brahmin identity has already disappeared in Singapore, while most India-based Indians know the different caste-names, thus there is a less passionate need to maintain these other symbols of identity among homeland Brahmins. This is seen in the above comparisons but also in the importance that the head covering had to Diasporic women; it was difficult to get traditional Indian saris and salwaar-kameez in the early Diasporic settlements, as such they tended to wear the sarong-kebaya in Malaya and western dresses in the Caribbean islands; but they made it a point to keep their heads and thus their modesty covered. This is merely a custom among Brahmin women to protect them from the male gaze and not religious in nature, yet it remains an important part of their culture. These very same symbols are not so important to women in the urban areas of India, where they are merely viewed as cumbersome and a sign of backwardness and outdated caste-consciousness.
Practices:
Attire and appearances aside, the most important aspect of a study on any group of people would be their practices. It is a commonly acknowledged fact that in the life of a Hindu, there are 3 main events – birth, marriage and death. These three are celebrated on a grand scale and as previously mentioned, in the life of the Brahmin, in between the first two, there is also the yagyopaveet ceremony.
The marriage is definitely one of the most important ceremonies of a Hindu’s life, Brahmins notwithstanding. Marriage in the Brahmin community is a grand scale celebration. There is a lead up to the actual wedding with the search for the bride/groom, matching of horoscopes, picking of a date to exchange rings and finalise the match, discussions on issues like dowries and wedding locations, the engagement party, various pre-wedding ceremonies and finally the wedding itself.
The Brahman caste or class is divided into ten sections, all based upon geographical distribution, which differs in customs and standing and do not intermarry . The UP Brahmins can be divided into a further two groups, the Kanyakubj and Saryuparin Brahmins who are by caste-rules allowed to take daan , and the second group of Brahmins who are not. While caste and sub-castes are obviously important to Brahmins in relation to marriage, so are gotras. Gotra is the Sanskrit term for a much older system of tribal clans; it was initially used by the Vedic people for the identification of the lineages. Generally, these lineages refer to a line of patrilineal descent from the mythical sages or rishis among Brahmins; warriors and administrators among Kshatriyas ; and ancestors among Vaishyas
Within the Singapore community, we see a continuance of such practices and the importance of gotra and sub-castes in terms of marriage. In order to preserve this ‘purity’ of caste and sub-caste, there is a significant trend of ‘importing’ brides from rural villages of India, where the women are generally believed to be more unaware of worldly issues and rather more ‘untouched’. In the Singapore case, trends of dowry-giving and announcing the amount given during the wedding ceremony are not uncommon during Brahmin weddings. Age-old mindsets that good wives ought not work is another reason for the ‘importing’ of rural brides as these women are more amenable to working in the home and are generally not educationally qualified to join the Singaporean workforce.
In the urban sectors of India, marriage and its planning have changed drastically. A simple scan of Brahmin matches posted on any one of a dozen matrimonial sites will show that resident Indians are more open to inter sub-caste marriages than the Diasporic community. Inter sub-caste marriages are frowned upon in Diasporic communities until there is absolutely no choice in the matter, as one Saryuparin Brahmin respondent recounted that her parents agreed to her inter-sub caste marriage (to a Kanyakubj Brahmin) because there were no Saryuparin Brahmin boys of her educational qualifications single and available at the time when she was ready for marriage.
Family life is very highly valued in Diasporic societies and joint families and finances are more common than they are in resident Indian families. Yeo Chor Siang notes similar trends among Bihari Dairymen in her study on them . These trends have become ‘outdated’ in India as many couples marry and move away from the family home and set up nuclear families of their own. My resident Indian respondents noted that it was believed among their parents that nuclear families provided a more modern and cosmopolitan approach to life; whereas joint families were inherently political and held one back from moving forward in life.
In terms of the larger society, there are also various caste rules of purity that Brahmins are expected to follow; both within the home and outside. According to traditional rules of purity, a barber cuts their hair and nails, and is paid in cash for doing this polluting service, which traditional rules of purity do not allow caste Hindus to perform for themselves . This is practiced widely in the rural areas of India and among the older Diaspora in Singapore. The dearth of barbers willing to provide this service has ensured that most local Indians, as well as urban settled resident Indians go to hairdressers and modern barbers to get their hair trimmed. The cutting of nails has become a matter of personal hygiene as there are no more barbers willing to perform this service.
Caste rules also prohibit members of the ‘untouchable’ castes from entering the homes of Brahmins or temples where Brahmins attend functions for fear of polluting the space. In the early days of the Diaspora, both these rules were adhered to. Until the mid 1960s, there was no inter-dining and entrance into caste homes for non-caste Indians . In the south Indian Brahmin context, Mani comments:
It can be said that the caste situation was one in which the Indian social system was implanted with minor modifications. This system was kept revitalised by the constant journeys to… home villages after … [a] tour of duty in Singapore… [caste difference was further strengthened] by the fact that most caste-Hindus came [to Singapore] to earn a living as shopkeepers and itinerant labourers, whilst the Adi-drividas came largely to be employed as ‘coolies’ in the Municipality and the British installations .
The same situation applied to the North Indian, UP/Bihar community of Brahmins, a large number of Brahmins came as milkmen and traders under the free immigration laws whereas a large number of the non-caste Hindus came as watchmen and coolies. The situation has changed over time, one main reason being the move into HDB flats in Singapore. These flats are situated next to each other with no common space where a caste and non-caste Hindu can have a discussion , also the upward mobility allowed in Singapore placed members of many different castes on the same social strata, thus eradicating many of the traditional caste differences. As a result, in Laxmi Narayan temple today, you can see chamar women in the temple, sitting and worshipping with ladies of all castes. In this new ‘caste system’, there is respect for age and social station more so than for caste in Singapore; however, as mentioned above, respect while in its place, does not mean that intermarriage is encouraged. Similarly in the urban areas of India although rules governing entrance into temples are stricter and there are different non-caste temples built for the untouchable groups, a phenomenon impossible in tiny Singapore with such a small community of such people. Untouchability rules are however still prevalent in village setups and rural areas in India.
It is undeniable that ‘caste though changed, remains important to Indians ’. Mani comments that in the South Indian Diaspora, each caste “tried to insulate itself not by seeking ascendancy over others, but to help itself not to lose its identity. They ‘involuted’ by maintaining a strict endogamy, and they began to ‘compartmentalize’ their social norms with regard to each caste, other Tamils, and other Singaporeans ” The same situation applied to the UP/Bihar Brahmins who can be said to have compartmentalized their social norms and caste-rules, albeit with modifications, in order to maintain their identity.
Food habits:
A discussion of food habits of Brahmins between the homeland and the Diaspora is of the few areas where the resident Indian community will be seen to be maintaining stricter rules than the Diasporic communities; however, there is a very simple explanation for this, as well as a reversing trend.
Brahmins are by caste-rules strict vegetarians, abstaining even from ‘heaty and aphrodisiac’ foods such as garlic and onions. However in the early Diasporic communities is was very difficult to remain vegetarian given the limited food options, what more cutting out onion and garlic from food. Most of the local respondents have at some time in their lives been eating non-vegetarian food, especially in the families of the earlier settlers; i.e. those who came before partition in India. However, in their old age, many of these settlers and their families do revert back to vegetarianism. In India, it is much easier to preserve vegetarianism given the wider range of options available as well as the fact that there is a large family structure to fall back upon, with home-cooked food readily available. This latter option was not open to many of the early settlers who were either bachelors or men travelling alone, with their families left in India.
In current urban India, many Brahmins families are dual-income and lack the time to cook, while there is no dearth of vegetarian food options in India, fast-food and western non-vegetarian options are gaining popularity. On the other hand, in Diasporic communities, wider food options and more time for cooking are reversing the non-vegetarian trend and vegetarianism is making a comeback among the people.
Still on the discussion of food, Hinduism is a religion which is often practiced through a variety of fasts, Yeo Chor Siang notes in her study that over 40 fasts are widely known, while only about a quarter of these are practiced . The major Hindu festivals when fasts would be observed include MahaShivraatri and KrishnaJanamashtmi. These are two of the most major religious festivals of Hinduism and in both Diasporic and resident communities are celebrated on large scales. However, the small number of the Diasporic community could be one reason for the unity with which these are celebrated, with almost all members of the community turning up at the Laxmi Narayan temple to sing and celebrate together. Those members who are offering ‘Prasad ’ ensure that the forbidden foods are not included in the Prasad.
Other than these fasts, women maintain a certain repertoire of fasts unto themselves; these include the teej fast for their husbands, Saraswati Jayanti fast for their children and the chaath fast for their families. The teej is especially common in the UP/Bihar region and is widely practiced among the Singapore Diasporic community. Women fast without water and celebrate in the evenings with communal hymn singing in the temple and dressing up in new clothes and jewellery gifted by their husbands. Among the urban resident Indian community however, the teej fast is fast losing out to the more popular Karva Chauth fast; this fast has been popularised among the masses through television serials and Hollywood movies; thus making it seem more ‘upmarket and modern’ than the teej fast. These urban Indian women seldom practice the other ritual fasts also, the reasons for this are many, including the fact that many of them are working and find it difficult to abstain from food. On the same note, it must be noted that some of the Diasporic community women are also working wives, yet they make an effort to maintain their repertoire of fasts, as one respondent questioned, “if we don’t fast, what values and habits will we be passing on to our children”.
Women are also supposed to be deemed ‘impure’ while menstruating and ought not touch the prayer altar or enter the kitchen to maintain the purity of these places. This is slowly being phased out in resident Indian families settled in urban areas today; however it has long since been phased out among the Diaspora. This ritual is almost impossible to maintain due to nuclear families and the fact that there was only one woman in the household and if she were to abstain from cooking, the men and children of the household would have to forage for themselves. In most homes, only the altar on which the Gods are placed has remained true to the traditional rules of pollution and purity .
Religion:
“People seek contexts of religious activity in which they can communicate with religious specialists and other participants in their own language, and in which they have clear ideas of what to expect and what is expected of them. ” There has been a clear reduction in the amount of time available for ceremonial activity, with the result that religion becomes largely, an activity for weekday evenings and Sunday mornings. This is clearly demonstrated by the fact that in the Laxmi Narayan temple, the largest turnouts are on Sunday mornings, followed by certain weekday evenings. The Tuesday afternoon hymn-singing sessions are attended only by retirees and housewives. The working hours and professionalism required by one in the Diasporic communities and urban areas in India has resulted in a subtle change in the ways one attends temple functions, work takes a priority to this outward expression of religiousness.
It has also changed the way that many religious festivals are celebrated in Singapore. “In recent times, only one widely-observed Hindu festival – Dipavali – has had the status of a public holiday. Other festivals unless they happen to fall on weekends, must inevitably compete with other obligations… The overall result is a situation in which many festivals must be celebrated in a reduced scale in the evenings. ” This situation is very different from that in the homeland where leeways are accorded for major religious festivals and holidays granted accordingly allowing these festivals to be celebrated as they ought to be, generally in the mornings.
The order of the Gods in the Hindu pantheon has also changed in the Diasporic communities, Henry’s study in UP shows that mother goddesses are usually worshipped by lower castes; although high castes still cannot escape the worship of mother goddess due to her malevolent nature if ignored . In the local context, more or less all castes perform mother goddess worship, but Brahmins were loath to sponsor private mother goddess prayers in the early years. However, in the current context, every Tuesday afternoon is dedicated to the worship of the mother goddess, by women of all castes in the UP/Bihar Diaspora community. One reason mentioned by my respondents for this phenomenon could be that the mother goddess is seen as a protector, which would be something that immigrants would have felt they needed in building their lives in a new land; thus her popularity among all castes, including Brahmins.
A similar explanation is available for the Hanuman Chalisa being sung by women in the aforementioned temple. The Hanuman Chalisa is a chant that is generally reserved for men as the monkey God is known to be worshipped for physical strength. He is also however, acknowledged as a protector. In the Diasporic communities, we often see a trend among the members of the community to be ‘as religious as possible’; possibly to steep themselves even deeper in their identity as Hindus, different from those around them. Also, women are always seen as the ‘religious’ symbols in families and since men in the Diaspora started out with demanding work hours, women took over the role of praying for them; thus one possible reason for the recitation of the Hanuman Chalisa by women in the Diaspora.
Religion is still something held very sacred even in urban Indian centres, although it is often ignored, it is still held sacred and resident Indians take pains to ensure that they do not listen to religious songs while lying down or performing impure acts. In the Diaspora these rules are relaxed and it is taken that as long as the heart is pure, the position one is sitting or lying in, is irrelevant to the worship of God.
There is also significantly less of a ‘temple culture’ in the Indian urban centres. The importance of the temple to Singapore is peculiar to Diasporic communities because the temple becomes a social institution as well, often the only North Indian Social institution in Diasporic settlements.
This oft-mentioned Laxmi Narayan temple in Singapore was set up in 1969 to cater to the religious needs of the Hindi-speaking community. Rather than a philosophical character, the form of Hinduism practiced in the temple veers more towards the folk-devotional . It was set up largely through donations from the community to instil a sense of cultural continuity in an environment very different from that they had left behind in India. Over time the religious institution has become a social and recreational centre, where the devotees meet to do more than just worship . It has become a form of social outing for the cloistered women of traditional Brahmin families and a chance to mingle and socialise, exchange news and gossip, and to catch up with friends and relatives . It is also an ideal place for families to get to know each other as well as new immigrants and as a result, has become the centre for the arrangement of marriages .
In the case of resident Indians, there is no need for such a strong temple culture, as there is no shortage of places to meet people of similar caste and backgrounds, as Indians are obviously a majority in that case, with social institutions already well woven into the social fabric. In the rural case, people are already well acquainted with each other and marriages and alliances are thus easier to arrange.
Conclusion:
In the words of Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, the former minister of Human Resource Development in India; travelling great distances in the search for knowledge or for economic reasons are not new, however most who travel, do not maintain contact with those they leave behind .
“But, greater the distance and the difficulties in keeping in touch, more were the chances for displaced communities to hold together and retain their identity. Even when loss of identity is rewarded or forced by the rulers who commanded their economic activities these communities had their own mechanism to remain frozen to a time vis-à-vis their belief and practices, while their brethren back home has invented and/or undergone many changes.”
Dr. Joshi’s observations are completely apt to the case of Brahmins in the Diaspora, especially with relation to the case of Singapore, as this essay proves. There have been very significant changes in the caste practices among the Saryuparin and Kanyakubj Brahmins in the urban centres of India with relation to their appearance, practices in marriages et al, as well as their outward expressions of religion and the role it plays in their lives, there is also a significant trend toward change in issues like fasting and rituals, as well as general food habits.
Inversely, the Diasporic community in Singapore has struggled to hang on to the very same notions of ‘Brahmanism” that the resident Indians are striving to shed in favour of western beliefs of modernity. The very fact that coming to a foreign land had apparently made them outcastes made the Diaspora all the more determined to protect the symbols that they saw to be the definition of their identity.
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Sunday, June 18, 2006
Tuesday, June 13, 2006
“The pursuit of human rights in foreign policy and the pursuit of commercial interests are inherently contradictory." Do you agree?”
"The pursuit of human rights in foreign policy and the pursuit of commercial interests are inherently contradictory." Do you agree?”
Introduction:
The aim of this essay is to disprove the hypothesis in the question. I do not agree with the statement, and believe that the pursuit of commercial interests and the pursuit of human rights are far from contradictory and are in fact complementary. However, I do admit that in the context of world politics and international relations today, the manner in which human rights is being pursued, has resulted in it being contradictory to the pursuit of commercial interests. This essay aims to show the futility of keeping the two as contradictory and instead extols the virtues of trade as a means of furthering human rights pursuits and simultaneously furthering the states’ commercial interests.
Human Rights:
“Your right to swing your arm ends where the other person’s nose begins ”. This is a rather simple manner in which to describe our rights and their limitations. It is also often said, “one person’s right is another person’s duty ”. Bearing these in mind, for purposes of this essay, we define human rights as entitlements that we have by virtue of being human – against the state; and these rights are meant to “make life fulfilling… and are essential for keeping us alive” . In layman’s terms, these ‘human rights’ are certain claims that all human beings are entitled to, which cannot be taken away from us and are in fact something that the individual can stand up to the state for; if not awarded them.
There are many nations which do not practice human rights as set out in the International Bill of Human Rights; some examples would include Nazi Germany, Saddam’s Iraq, current day North Korea, Africa and arguably, even the United States .
One of the most common ways for other countries to urge these ‘rouge’ countries to toe human rights law is to impose economic sanctions on them, essentially restricting trade and withdrawing aid. However this results in economic losses for both nations and may in fact end up worsening the human rights situation in the sanctioned nation. Blocking free trade hurts consumers and the most economically vulnerable citizens and does little to improve general humanitarian conditions . Simple examples to prove this would be the current sanctions imposed by the European Union upon Nepal. In order to restrict the atrocities committed by the Nepali police upon protestors, the European Union has imposed sanctions upon the sale of arms to Nepal. However King Gyanendra of Nepal has showed no inclination to treat the protestors in a manner other than the one he has been using so far .
Another prime example of the failure of economic sanctions to further human rights can be seen in the case of Iraq. The United Nations imposed sanctions upon Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait and imposed a “blanket ban on all imports and exports except for "supplies intended strictly for medical purposes, and, in humanitarian circumstances, foodstuffs. ” This severe sanction resulted in little more than the severe malnutrition in Iraq and great suffering among the people of the nation. This example just goes to show that imposing sanctions is usually a futile exercise and does little to stop human rights violations, instead worsening the situation for innocent citizens, already under a rule that does not respect human rights.
Trade furthering human rights:
China is a case in point of how trade can further human rights development. This goes to prove the thesis of this essay that the pursuit of human rights and the pursuit of commercial interests are not contradictory.
China has enjoyed Most Favoured Nation status with the United States, as have most other nations, even nations facing US sanctions at the same time. The US however, regularly threatens to withdraw this status. MFN is merely a misnomer for normal trade relations. MFN over the years can be one reason for increased economic growth in China. “Economic reforms in China have transformed daily life for hundreds of millions of people who now enjoy greater opportunity, freedom of movement, material abundance, and access to western ideas. ” Imposing trade sanctions upon China will do little to improve the human rights situation in China and as the failed embargo against Cuba went to prove, it will serve to only isolate the victims and under privileged which strengthening their persecutors by giving them another weapon to damn the West and its ideals. As Pope John Paul II said in relation to imposing economic sanctions, “It is always imperative to foresee the humanitarian consequences of sanctions, without failing to respect the just proportion that such measures should have in relation to the very evil which they are meant to remedy ”.
American – Chinese trade has ensured that American consumers have ready and affordable access to items, which it does not have a comparative advantage in producing itself. This allows America to focus on producing those items, which it is comparatively better at, such as financial services, computers and peripherals, vehicles, furniture and building supplies, to name some. These items are then available for export to China and supply Chinese people with items they would not have such easy access to otherwise .
Imposing trade sanctions on any one country serves to push up the prices of the goods that that country exports; thus punishing the sanctioning country as well as the sanctioned country. Further, article 25 of the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights states that every human “has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social service”. By imposing sanctions on China, the United States would be violating both China’s and its own rights to free trade. Sanctions on China will drive up the price of nearly all goods required to maintain an adequate standard of living for Americans, cosmetics, shoes, toys and clothes, all are made in China, and increasing the cost of living for Americans is not a desirable consequence, especially if it has no impact on improving the human rights situation anyway.
In the words of Lee Teng Hui, “vigorous economic development leads to independent thinking. People hope to be able to fully satisfy their free will and see their rights fully protected. And then demand ensues for political reform… The model of our quiet revolution will eventually take hold of the Chinese mainland ”. In the manner of Taiwan, continued free trade and exchange of ideas with China will most probably result in an increasingly well-to-do society who will then demand their rights, as the Taiwanese did. As markets spread, people acquire greater wealth and thus have a much stronger interest in then participating in the political process of their nation in order to protect their property. As Michael Novak writes, “the capitalist preference for law and due process leads naturally enough to the… basic institutions of democracy: the rule of law, limited government, separated powers, and the protection of the rights of individuals and minorities ”. Maintaining free trade will put pressure on governments and policy makers to protect private property rights and to pursuer prudent monetary, fiscal and regulatory policies to avoid massive capital outflows. “Global market competition helps good government crowd out bad government ”.
Stop Aid, Not Trade:
The Norwegian foreign policy can be summarized in the phrase “stop aid, not trade”. By first admitting that economic sanctions are little more than a blunt instrument in combating human rights violations. In their first four years in office, we have seen the Bush regime imposing 68 sanctions on various countries, most non-western. Human rights and commercial interests have become contradictory as both countries only stand to suffer from these sanctions; which just goes to prove that the sanctions and human rights are contradictory and it is in fact commercial interests and human rights of a state that go hand in hand. The Norwegian ministry of foreign affairs espouses to its citizens who conduct business in countries where human rights are not given the same respect as they are in Norway to demonstrate social responsibility by setting an example to the people of the nation .
Norway tries to continue trade as far as possible and in extreme cases, the most it does is to limit the amount of aid that it offers the nation, rather than stopping aid or trade altogether. It tries to ‘identify the most crucial challenges… and also to propose measures, tools and mechanisms ” to improve “awareness of and respect for human rights within the context of economic involvement abroad ”.
The Norwegian policy seems to be the most effective of the lot, the simplest way of gauging this would be the general perspective globally of Norway being seen as a fair and just nation. Stopping or limiting aid rather than curtailing trade serves to continue to exchange of ideas which trade brings with it; as well as sending a message to the concerned authorities on how seriously it takes the flouting of human rights norms.
Conclusion:
In the words of no less than Adam Smith himself, the development of trade and commercial activities in Europe “gradually introduced order and good government, and with them, the liberty and security of individuals ”. On a more contemporary note, Harvard Economist Robert Barro’s study on free society finds that “improvements in the standard of living… substantially raise the probability that political institutions will become more democratic over time ”. He concludes his study with the assertion that “if economic freedom can be established in a poor country, then growth would be encouraged, and the country would tend eventually to become more democratic on its own ”.
With the example of failed sanctions from a number of countries, we have seen the futility of imposing sanctions on any nation in order to influence it to improve its human rights situation. The pursuit of human rights in foreign policy ought to follow the ‘stop aid, not trade’ method instead of penalizing their own citizens by imposing sanctions. By pursuing this policy, the pursuit of commercial interests and human rights will not be at all contradictory and instead be inherently complementary, and much more efficient than the method of imposing sanctions.
Of course, this is not to say that sanctions are never justified. If to say, the US were to stop the sale of arms to a nation with which it was at war, this would be seen as justified, for to continue that would be suicidal. Another example would be if the goods concerned were being made with slave labour or prison labour, or even child labour, in this case, to limit the trade of such goods (like child-made Pakistani carpets), would be justified as the bulk of the money does not go to the carpet-making children anyway. However, even in these cases, there ought not be a blanket ban on trade with the country but instead a restriction on only certain goods.
No country has the right to interfere with free trade for the purposes of promoting its style of governance or because of what it sees as a human rights violation. The freedom to trade is an individual’s right, not a right derived from any government. Human rights violations should indeed be condemned, vehemently at that; but it does not warrant imposing greater suffering upon innocent civilians by imposing sanctions on them. In the words of American President Bush’s predecessor, Ronald Reagan, “the freer the flow of world trade, the stronger the tides of human progress and peace among nations ”.
Bibliography:
Barro, R.J. Getting It Right: Markets and Choices in a Free Society. Cambridge: Massachusetts: The MIT Press. 1996
Dorn, James A “Trade and Human Rights: The Case of China”, The CATO Journal, Vol. 16, no. 1 (Spring/Summer, 1996).
Duffy, Cristina Suarez and Harrold, Michael. FreedomWorks Issue Analysis 33A - Don't Break the China: “Why Continued MFN Status Helps Americans and Chinese”. June 13, 1997.
http://www.freedomworks.org/informed/issues_template.php?issue_id=140 (Accessed on 01/10/05)
English and Stapleton, The Human Rights Handbook, Chapter 1 “What are human rights”, 1997
International Nepal Solidarity Network, “The case for sanctions and extension of restrictive measures: ACHR”. 5/10/05.
http://insn.org/?p=2014 (accessed on 29/10/05)
Journalists for human rights http://www.jhr.ca/countryprofiles.html (Accessed on 10/10/05). ©Copyrights 2002-2003 JHR Journalists for Human Rights JDH Journalistes pour les Droits Humains
Novak, Michael “Introduction”, in Messick, R. E. World Survery of Economic Freedom, 1995-1996. New Brunswick, NJ: Transactions Publishers, for Freedom House.
Reagan, Ronald “Remarks at a White House Meeting With Business and Trade Leaders”, September 23, 1985.
http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1985/92385a.htm (Accessed on 01/10/05)
Sirico, Robert - Trade Policy briefing paper no. 2“Free trade and human rights : the moral case for engagement”, 17/7/05. Paper based on remarks delivered at CATO Institute Policy Forum, 27/5/1998
Smith, Adam The Wealth of Nations, Edited by Edwin Cannan. New York: The Modern Library (Random House). ([1997] 1937)
Utenriksdepartementet: Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: “Commercial Aspects of Human Rights Endeavours”
http://odin.dep.no/ud/english/doc/handbooks/032111-120003/hov003-bu.html (Accessed on 01/10/05)
Introduction:
The aim of this essay is to disprove the hypothesis in the question. I do not agree with the statement, and believe that the pursuit of commercial interests and the pursuit of human rights are far from contradictory and are in fact complementary. However, I do admit that in the context of world politics and international relations today, the manner in which human rights is being pursued, has resulted in it being contradictory to the pursuit of commercial interests. This essay aims to show the futility of keeping the two as contradictory and instead extols the virtues of trade as a means of furthering human rights pursuits and simultaneously furthering the states’ commercial interests.
Human Rights:
“Your right to swing your arm ends where the other person’s nose begins ”. This is a rather simple manner in which to describe our rights and their limitations. It is also often said, “one person’s right is another person’s duty ”. Bearing these in mind, for purposes of this essay, we define human rights as entitlements that we have by virtue of being human – against the state; and these rights are meant to “make life fulfilling… and are essential for keeping us alive” . In layman’s terms, these ‘human rights’ are certain claims that all human beings are entitled to, which cannot be taken away from us and are in fact something that the individual can stand up to the state for; if not awarded them.
There are many nations which do not practice human rights as set out in the International Bill of Human Rights; some examples would include Nazi Germany, Saddam’s Iraq, current day North Korea, Africa and arguably, even the United States .
One of the most common ways for other countries to urge these ‘rouge’ countries to toe human rights law is to impose economic sanctions on them, essentially restricting trade and withdrawing aid. However this results in economic losses for both nations and may in fact end up worsening the human rights situation in the sanctioned nation. Blocking free trade hurts consumers and the most economically vulnerable citizens and does little to improve general humanitarian conditions . Simple examples to prove this would be the current sanctions imposed by the European Union upon Nepal. In order to restrict the atrocities committed by the Nepali police upon protestors, the European Union has imposed sanctions upon the sale of arms to Nepal. However King Gyanendra of Nepal has showed no inclination to treat the protestors in a manner other than the one he has been using so far .
Another prime example of the failure of economic sanctions to further human rights can be seen in the case of Iraq. The United Nations imposed sanctions upon Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait and imposed a “blanket ban on all imports and exports except for "supplies intended strictly for medical purposes, and, in humanitarian circumstances, foodstuffs. ” This severe sanction resulted in little more than the severe malnutrition in Iraq and great suffering among the people of the nation. This example just goes to show that imposing sanctions is usually a futile exercise and does little to stop human rights violations, instead worsening the situation for innocent citizens, already under a rule that does not respect human rights.
Trade furthering human rights:
China is a case in point of how trade can further human rights development. This goes to prove the thesis of this essay that the pursuit of human rights and the pursuit of commercial interests are not contradictory.
China has enjoyed Most Favoured Nation status with the United States, as have most other nations, even nations facing US sanctions at the same time. The US however, regularly threatens to withdraw this status. MFN is merely a misnomer for normal trade relations. MFN over the years can be one reason for increased economic growth in China. “Economic reforms in China have transformed daily life for hundreds of millions of people who now enjoy greater opportunity, freedom of movement, material abundance, and access to western ideas. ” Imposing trade sanctions upon China will do little to improve the human rights situation in China and as the failed embargo against Cuba went to prove, it will serve to only isolate the victims and under privileged which strengthening their persecutors by giving them another weapon to damn the West and its ideals. As Pope John Paul II said in relation to imposing economic sanctions, “It is always imperative to foresee the humanitarian consequences of sanctions, without failing to respect the just proportion that such measures should have in relation to the very evil which they are meant to remedy ”.
American – Chinese trade has ensured that American consumers have ready and affordable access to items, which it does not have a comparative advantage in producing itself. This allows America to focus on producing those items, which it is comparatively better at, such as financial services, computers and peripherals, vehicles, furniture and building supplies, to name some. These items are then available for export to China and supply Chinese people with items they would not have such easy access to otherwise .
Imposing trade sanctions on any one country serves to push up the prices of the goods that that country exports; thus punishing the sanctioning country as well as the sanctioned country. Further, article 25 of the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights states that every human “has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social service”. By imposing sanctions on China, the United States would be violating both China’s and its own rights to free trade. Sanctions on China will drive up the price of nearly all goods required to maintain an adequate standard of living for Americans, cosmetics, shoes, toys and clothes, all are made in China, and increasing the cost of living for Americans is not a desirable consequence, especially if it has no impact on improving the human rights situation anyway.
In the words of Lee Teng Hui, “vigorous economic development leads to independent thinking. People hope to be able to fully satisfy their free will and see their rights fully protected. And then demand ensues for political reform… The model of our quiet revolution will eventually take hold of the Chinese mainland ”. In the manner of Taiwan, continued free trade and exchange of ideas with China will most probably result in an increasingly well-to-do society who will then demand their rights, as the Taiwanese did. As markets spread, people acquire greater wealth and thus have a much stronger interest in then participating in the political process of their nation in order to protect their property. As Michael Novak writes, “the capitalist preference for law and due process leads naturally enough to the… basic institutions of democracy: the rule of law, limited government, separated powers, and the protection of the rights of individuals and minorities ”. Maintaining free trade will put pressure on governments and policy makers to protect private property rights and to pursuer prudent monetary, fiscal and regulatory policies to avoid massive capital outflows. “Global market competition helps good government crowd out bad government ”.
Stop Aid, Not Trade:
The Norwegian foreign policy can be summarized in the phrase “stop aid, not trade”. By first admitting that economic sanctions are little more than a blunt instrument in combating human rights violations. In their first four years in office, we have seen the Bush regime imposing 68 sanctions on various countries, most non-western. Human rights and commercial interests have become contradictory as both countries only stand to suffer from these sanctions; which just goes to prove that the sanctions and human rights are contradictory and it is in fact commercial interests and human rights of a state that go hand in hand. The Norwegian ministry of foreign affairs espouses to its citizens who conduct business in countries where human rights are not given the same respect as they are in Norway to demonstrate social responsibility by setting an example to the people of the nation .
Norway tries to continue trade as far as possible and in extreme cases, the most it does is to limit the amount of aid that it offers the nation, rather than stopping aid or trade altogether. It tries to ‘identify the most crucial challenges… and also to propose measures, tools and mechanisms ” to improve “awareness of and respect for human rights within the context of economic involvement abroad ”.
The Norwegian policy seems to be the most effective of the lot, the simplest way of gauging this would be the general perspective globally of Norway being seen as a fair and just nation. Stopping or limiting aid rather than curtailing trade serves to continue to exchange of ideas which trade brings with it; as well as sending a message to the concerned authorities on how seriously it takes the flouting of human rights norms.
Conclusion:
In the words of no less than Adam Smith himself, the development of trade and commercial activities in Europe “gradually introduced order and good government, and with them, the liberty and security of individuals ”. On a more contemporary note, Harvard Economist Robert Barro’s study on free society finds that “improvements in the standard of living… substantially raise the probability that political institutions will become more democratic over time ”. He concludes his study with the assertion that “if economic freedom can be established in a poor country, then growth would be encouraged, and the country would tend eventually to become more democratic on its own ”.
With the example of failed sanctions from a number of countries, we have seen the futility of imposing sanctions on any nation in order to influence it to improve its human rights situation. The pursuit of human rights in foreign policy ought to follow the ‘stop aid, not trade’ method instead of penalizing their own citizens by imposing sanctions. By pursuing this policy, the pursuit of commercial interests and human rights will not be at all contradictory and instead be inherently complementary, and much more efficient than the method of imposing sanctions.
Of course, this is not to say that sanctions are never justified. If to say, the US were to stop the sale of arms to a nation with which it was at war, this would be seen as justified, for to continue that would be suicidal. Another example would be if the goods concerned were being made with slave labour or prison labour, or even child labour, in this case, to limit the trade of such goods (like child-made Pakistani carpets), would be justified as the bulk of the money does not go to the carpet-making children anyway. However, even in these cases, there ought not be a blanket ban on trade with the country but instead a restriction on only certain goods.
No country has the right to interfere with free trade for the purposes of promoting its style of governance or because of what it sees as a human rights violation. The freedom to trade is an individual’s right, not a right derived from any government. Human rights violations should indeed be condemned, vehemently at that; but it does not warrant imposing greater suffering upon innocent civilians by imposing sanctions on them. In the words of American President Bush’s predecessor, Ronald Reagan, “the freer the flow of world trade, the stronger the tides of human progress and peace among nations ”.
Bibliography:
Barro, R.J. Getting It Right: Markets and Choices in a Free Society. Cambridge: Massachusetts: The MIT Press. 1996
Dorn, James A “Trade and Human Rights: The Case of China”, The CATO Journal, Vol. 16, no. 1 (Spring/Summer, 1996).
Duffy, Cristina Suarez and Harrold, Michael. FreedomWorks Issue Analysis 33A - Don't Break the China: “Why Continued MFN Status Helps Americans and Chinese”. June 13, 1997.
http://www.freedomworks.org/informed/issues_template.php?issue_id=140 (Accessed on 01/10/05)
English and Stapleton, The Human Rights Handbook, Chapter 1 “What are human rights”, 1997
International Nepal Solidarity Network, “The case for sanctions and extension of restrictive measures: ACHR”. 5/10/05.
http://insn.org/?p=2014 (accessed on 29/10/05)
Journalists for human rights http://www.jhr.ca/countryprofiles.html (Accessed on 10/10/05). ©Copyrights 2002-2003 JHR Journalists for Human Rights JDH Journalistes pour les Droits Humains
Novak, Michael “Introduction”, in Messick, R. E. World Survery of Economic Freedom, 1995-1996. New Brunswick, NJ: Transactions Publishers, for Freedom House.
Reagan, Ronald “Remarks at a White House Meeting With Business and Trade Leaders”, September 23, 1985.
http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1985/92385a.htm (Accessed on 01/10/05)
Sirico, Robert - Trade Policy briefing paper no. 2“Free trade and human rights : the moral case for engagement”, 17/7/05. Paper based on remarks delivered at CATO Institute Policy Forum, 27/5/1998
Smith, Adam The Wealth of Nations, Edited by Edwin Cannan. New York: The Modern Library (Random House). ([1997] 1937)
Utenriksdepartementet: Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: “Commercial Aspects of Human Rights Endeavours”
http://odin.dep.no/ud/english/doc/handbooks/032111-120003/hov003-bu.html (Accessed on 01/10/05)
Going beyond “Chick Lit”.
Title: Going beyond “Chick Lit”
A study of women being women’s worst oppressors in a South Asian context, through the juxtaposition of fictional and non-fictional literary works.
Sections:
1. Introduction
2. Education
3. Working Prospects
4. Marriage
5. Conclusion
Introduction:
‘Chick Lit.’ has become a very popular genre of modern literature; and this is apparent throughout the world as more women are becoming educated and willing to spend money on these ‘frivolous’ books.
“What makes these books popular? A more realistic portrayal of the present day working women - the frustrations and insecurities that are very much a part of the independent lives they are leading. But it is all done in good humour without a hint of pathos.” (Deccan Herald, Sunday, April 25, 2004)
In a South Asian context, this is also apparent. Often in these books, we see an increasing amount of text dedicated to female oppression. While this is a good thing in that it allows a larger mass of people to know what is happening in this region, the case often is one of exaggeration and misinterpretation.
Women are always the ‘victims’ in the situations, often being physically and verbally abused. However, these women are not willing to drag themselves out of their ‘situations’. While they are discontent, they are content to remain so and go so far as to impose the same strictures they grew up with, on the next generation of females. Thus, more and more of these female writers, often having grown up outside of South Asia, are trying to analyse the oppression faced by the foremothers. In this process, a clear strain of oppression has come through, it seems that women are women’s worse oppressors in a South Asian context.
This essay aims to explore the theme of ‘women being women’s oppressors’ in modern South Asian literary works. It chooses to conduct this exploration through a study of some fictional works because fiction, in this case at least, seems to personify reality, and very importantly, it also spreads a message to the masses, in and out of South Asia. These fictional works will be juxtaposed with non-fictional works to gauge their relevance to society and prove the depth of their ‘reality’. Familial relations, such as those between mother and daughter, sisters, mother-in-law and daughter-in law will be examined as well as those outside the family, such as doctor-patient relations or teacher-student relations as well as those between female friends.
These fictional works will be compared to autobiographies of certain women in similar environments as the protagonists in the works of fiction are. This will allow a benchmark to be set for the forms of oppression that will be uncovered. This comparison will also allow the reader to judge the extent to which fiction relates the truth of the matter; this especially being the case in post-feminist literature, otherwise known as ‘chick-lit’ (Deccan Herald, Sunday, April 25, 2004)
In conjunction with the above theme, the efforts of men (fathers, brothers, husbands, family doctors, teachers, etc), to lift the women of their familial and social circles out of the quagmire they often choose to fall into due to a greater sense of comfort of the known, even if it is oppression, will be examined.
Education, household work and chores, commercial work and marriage will all be examined, as these are the main ‘worries’ of the modern South Asian woman. These women often want to ‘modernise’ themselves and improve themselves in terms of education and work experience, early and arranged marriage being a trade off. However, as seen in these books, fiction and non-fiction, the females often pressure them into sticking to ‘the norm’ whereas their male family members and friends often urge them to improve themselves.
This essay chooses to move away from the ‘norm’ of women seen as being oppressed by the other gender and chooses to study this theme through a juxtaposition of non-fiction in the form of autobiographies and fiction in the genre of ‘chick lit.’
Education:
Taslima Nasrin in her autobiography, ‘My Girlhood’, repeatedly depicts how her father insists upon her being sent to the best schools and her mother’s vehement objections. It is her mother who would rather she attend religious classes than go to a secular school, rather she be properly covered in a Burkha than wear dresses. Nasrin’s mother goes so far as to bring her daughter home from boarding school under the guise of a death in the family. It is her father who repeatedly forces her to attend school and pay attention to her lessons so as to make something of herself. This is radically different from the ‘norm’ that springs to mind when we think of women and education in India. A similar situation is seen in Nalinaksha Bhattacharya’s novel “Hem and football”. While Hem wants to continue with school and her hobbies, her mother insists that she leave all this and get married at the tender age of 14. In Uma Vasudev’s ‘Shreya of Sonagrah’, we see Father, Husband and Father-in-law, encouraging the protagonist in the novel, Shreya, to continue her education, but she refuses on the account that married life is not about continuing education. Before marriage, her excuse was that her role in life was to get married. We do not see any empathetic disputes between her and her mother on this issue. The mother seems quite content, if not proud, of her daughter’s views on Indian womanhood.
As such, it is apparent, that the male figures in the lives of these protagonists, in both fiction and non-fiction works of literature, would like ‘their women’ to improve themselves; it is the women who are content with their lot as it seems too ‘difficult’ (Nasrin, 2001).
The only difference is seen in times of conflict and strife, as during the period of the Indian freedom struggle. During this period, the seemingly ‘normal’ societal rules were relaxed and the first woman to attain a Masters’ degree did so during this time. Her relation to the “Father of Modern India” – Jawaharlal Nehru, meant that the rules were relaxed in terms of university entry to men’s’ colleges and courses (Sahgal, 1994). During the period of India’s freedom struggle and soon after the Partition of India, feminism in India reached its peak, as many women were part of the independence movement. Numerous women created ‘firsts’ by joining strikes and rioting, as well as being jailed. The fact that the police force treated men and women with equal brutality, gave the women a new respect in the eyes of the other sex. However, once South Asia settled down, the women were expected to cast away thoughts of equality and revert to customary social norms.
The question then would be, why is it women who impose these social norms on their progeny. Women are in a South Asian context the more ‘social’ of a traditional male-female couple, and as such, feel that they have something to ‘live up to’ in society’s views. To avoid gossip and awkward questions from members of their community as well as to maintain their standing in the community, they have to get their daughters married early and to reputable families, with no mention of falling in love or further education (Mazumdar, 1989).
Women have always been seen as the honour of their family (Adnan, 2005). As such, they feel it their duty to cast aside modern beliefs and live their lives, as well as dictate those of their daughters and nieces, in a way whereby society will be satisfied with them and there will not be any inflammatory gossip. Much the same rules apply for working prospects of these women,
Working prospects:
Without education it is near impossible to find any form of work anywhere in the world. However, in South Asia, gender discrimination in the work place aside, there is prevalent gender discrimination in the home with relation to work and being out of the house in general.
In “Hem and Football”, we see the protagonist’s mother not only trying to prevent Hem from playing football altogether but even when she does allow Hem to do so, imposes ridiculous restrictions upon her, which include lengthening the length of her shorts, even if they then get in the way of her playing, making sure she gets no bruises that may ruin her ‘marriage ability’, and imposes a number more restrictions along those lines. It seems to the casual reader here that the mother, another woman, instead of easing the stigma of being a woman in a patriarchal society is instead reinforcing it in her daughter. From the western-educated perspective of the casual reader, it seems preposterous for a mother to want to marry off her daughter at any cost to avoid her enjoying her life and playing football, as in Bhattacharya’s book.
A similar scene is available in Nasrin’s autobiography whereby we see that the only women who have jobs, in the village where Nasrin grew up, are either outcast women or mere servant-class women. No respectable woman has any form of income. When Nasrin’s father tries to encourage her to study hard in order to succeed him as a doctor, the mother demands of her husband whether he intends to make his own daughter a loose woman! Her ambitions for her daughter extend toward an early marriage for her, numerous children, preferably sons, and end there.
Nasrin’s experiences match that of the protagonist in Bhattacharya’s novel; thus again reinforcing the thesis of this essay, that at least in the context of South Asian ‘chick-lit”, reality does indeed mirror fiction. Mindsets towards an independent life and education are similar in both reality as seen in autobiographies and in fictional accounts.
Again, the exceptions come in during times of crisis. From Vasudev’s depiction of Shreya in her novel, we can see that upon the death of the protagonist’s mother in law, she was called upon to fill her shoes as a post-partition politician, and was thus thrown into politics with the same staff her mother in law had, with no thought for her personal comfort with these staff members. To protect the honour of the family, Shreya has to forgo her personal choices and preferences. We see in the novel, as in all the others, that female characters are not only restricted from making choices by other older female characters, but they are also called upon to replace these characters in times of death and loss, thus forcing them to fit themselves into the mould of these other women. This is one of the main reasons for women becoming women’s worst oppressors. In order to maintain the honour of the family name and to maintain discipline as it has been maintained for generations past, this ‘oppression’ in necessary. In fact, it is seen as oppression only in westernised viewpoints, in South Asia, this ‘oppression’ is merely a part of everyday existence.
As leading authors on human rights are finally beginning to realise, cultures differ from region to region; Asia has its own beliefs, many of which centre around the concept of “family before self”. Thus to many women in South Asia, if oppression of future generations means protecting family honour, then oppression is not a bad thing. This could also be why the male members of the family are sometimes more liberal. Usually being the breadwinners of the family, they are exposed to the outside world and its strictures; thus they see things in a different way. To these generally educated men, independence is essential for both sexes in this highly unstable world. While mothers would see love as being able to find the best man to take care of their daughter, love for a father in the modern South Asian world would be making sure his daughter can support herself, if the need arises; as we can see in Nasrin’s autobiography as well as Vasudev’s Shreya and even in “Daughters of the House” by Indrani Aikath-Gyaltsen, where we see the uncle trying to convince his orphan niece to put her education to some use by working and getting a taste of the real world outside her sheltered existence. To these educated men, there is more to a woman’s life than mere marriage and child rearing.
Marriage:
In all the books examined, one common thread runs through them, and this is in relation to marriage. All women in books concerned seem to want their wards and younger women of their acquaintance to get married early. There are myriad reasons for this; including the same concept of honour mentioned above, if one were to delay marriage, it is entirely possible that the girl in question may have a romantic dalliance and ruin her own chances of making a good match. The concept of love before marriage does not feature in these novels, and love after marriage is merely a bonus, not something to be expected.
In Nasrin’s autobiography we expect her mother to pressure her into getting married, given the mother’s very conservative nature. However, even in Nehru’s family we see that the girls who were the first in India to achieve Masters’ degrees also have to settle down and succumb to arranged marriages at the insistence of their mothers. In Mazumdar’s memoirs, we have the most blatant example whereby the extended family and friends all began gossiping when Mazumdar is not yet married at age 10.
Once again mirroring reality, we see Hem’s mother pressuring her to get married and going so far as to marry her off to a mad boy simply because there was no one else around and it was imperative to marry Hem off to avoid gossip. Arranged marriages are often set up with no need for any form of consent from either side, especially the girl. In Vasudev’s Shreya, we again see how her father agreed to her marriage to his best-friend’s son and when he cursorily asked her if she agreed, she was not given the chance to answer before the two men had already started planning the wedding. This is a clear indication of the extent of men wanting to limit female oppression in South Asia, although they are willing to allow education and even some exposure to work and the outside world, marriage seems to be something where the girl has no say at all.
When this marriage does not work out, it is the fault of the woman, obviously. In “Shreya of Sonagarh”, when Shreya ultimately mentions to her mother the problems she is having in her marriage, her mother advises her to just bear with things, violence included. Similarly, when Hem leaves her mentally challenged husband and returns home, she is ostracized, mostly by her own mother. These women are seen to be unlucky as they have failed to maintain their marriage and society has no place for them, being neither single nor respectable widows.
In a South Asian context, it is the job of a mother to get her daughter married and the duty of close relatives and friends to not only help in looking for a groom but also to ensure that if the mother falters in her role, they are there to ensure the marriage goes through. This also applies in all other areas of upbringing. It is precisely to maintain the status quo of society that women end up oppressing other women.
Conclusion:
If the status quo was relaxed and women were allowed free reign to education and work, it would make the women who did not have these opportunities much more limited, in relation; their power would then be limited. Unlike the world of men, where each proves his worth economically, women have traditionally proved their worth through their family honour, and to change this, a change of mindset is required, for all of society.
However, as the thesis of this essay goes, women are women’s worst oppressors in a South Asian context; it is indeed clear from the examination of a number of literary works, that this thesis is indeed true. It is also clear that in the case of South Asian chick lit, reality does indeed play a very significant role in this genre of literature. Be it in terms of education, work or marriage, male and female roles are very similar across fiction and non-fiction.
As Jean de La Bruyère said in 1668, “It is because of men that women dislike one another”. It is precisely for this reason that women gossip and play a perpetual game of one-upmanship with other women. In order to prove themselves to be the spitting image of Sita , they undermine women around them and try to prove their worth in that manner. Women try to mould themselves and their daughters to be like Sita, all the while condemning the other women of their acquaintance. The tool of gossip is very powerful in a woman’s domain as once again it is linked to not only her honour but that of both her natal and marital families.
Evelyn Cunnigham once mentioned that “women are the only oppressed group in our society that lives in intimate association with their oppressors”. This is indeed true. Whether or not one sees women to be the worst oppressors of other women, it must nonetheless be admitted that they do play the most important part in the mindsets that other women form. Teachers, mothers, sisters and doctors, as well as women of the marital family are the most important people in a woman’s life and it is these people, these women, who cause her to think and act as she does, to avoid dishonouring her family.
Thus, the thesis of this essay still stands as, ‘women are women’s worst oppressors’ in a South Asian context as seen through the examination of literary sources, the only possible exception being in time of crisis.
Bibliography:
Adnan, Shapan. Lectures delivered for SN 2234 – Gender and Society in South Asia, LT 12, National University of Singapore; Semester I, AY 2005/6.
Aikath-Gyaltsen, Indrani, 1993. Daughters of the House. New York: Ballantine Books.
Ali, Monica, 2004. Brick Lane: a novel. New York: Scribner, 2004
Bhattacharya, Nalinaksha, 1995. Hem and Maxine. London: Jonathan Cape.
Bhattacharya, Nalinaksha, 1992. Hem and Football. London: Secker & Warburg.
Jean de La Bruyère, 1668. Caractères. Publisher not available. Published in France.
Mazumdar, Shudha, 1989. Memoirs of an Indian Woman. Edited with an introduction by Geraldine Forbes. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe
Nasrin, Taslima, 2001. My Girlhood. New Delhi: Kali for Women.
Sahgal, Manmohini Zutshi, 1994. An Indian Freedom Fighter Recalls Her Life. Edited by Geraldine Forbes; with a foreword by B.K. Nehru. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe.
Vani, Mahesh, 2004. “Post-feminist, or more fondly, Chick-lit!” Bangalore: Deccan Herald (Sunday Herald). April 25, 2004: Articulations, Book Day Special.
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr252004/artic2.asp
(Accessed 6th October, 2005)
Vasudev, Uma, 1993. Shreya of Sonagarh. New Delhi: UBS Publishers' Distributors.
A study of women being women’s worst oppressors in a South Asian context, through the juxtaposition of fictional and non-fictional literary works.
Sections:
1. Introduction
2. Education
3. Working Prospects
4. Marriage
5. Conclusion
Introduction:
‘Chick Lit.’ has become a very popular genre of modern literature; and this is apparent throughout the world as more women are becoming educated and willing to spend money on these ‘frivolous’ books.
“What makes these books popular? A more realistic portrayal of the present day working women - the frustrations and insecurities that are very much a part of the independent lives they are leading. But it is all done in good humour without a hint of pathos.” (Deccan Herald, Sunday, April 25, 2004)
In a South Asian context, this is also apparent. Often in these books, we see an increasing amount of text dedicated to female oppression. While this is a good thing in that it allows a larger mass of people to know what is happening in this region, the case often is one of exaggeration and misinterpretation.
Women are always the ‘victims’ in the situations, often being physically and verbally abused. However, these women are not willing to drag themselves out of their ‘situations’. While they are discontent, they are content to remain so and go so far as to impose the same strictures they grew up with, on the next generation of females. Thus, more and more of these female writers, often having grown up outside of South Asia, are trying to analyse the oppression faced by the foremothers. In this process, a clear strain of oppression has come through, it seems that women are women’s worse oppressors in a South Asian context.
This essay aims to explore the theme of ‘women being women’s oppressors’ in modern South Asian literary works. It chooses to conduct this exploration through a study of some fictional works because fiction, in this case at least, seems to personify reality, and very importantly, it also spreads a message to the masses, in and out of South Asia. These fictional works will be juxtaposed with non-fictional works to gauge their relevance to society and prove the depth of their ‘reality’. Familial relations, such as those between mother and daughter, sisters, mother-in-law and daughter-in law will be examined as well as those outside the family, such as doctor-patient relations or teacher-student relations as well as those between female friends.
These fictional works will be compared to autobiographies of certain women in similar environments as the protagonists in the works of fiction are. This will allow a benchmark to be set for the forms of oppression that will be uncovered. This comparison will also allow the reader to judge the extent to which fiction relates the truth of the matter; this especially being the case in post-feminist literature, otherwise known as ‘chick-lit’ (Deccan Herald, Sunday, April 25, 2004)
In conjunction with the above theme, the efforts of men (fathers, brothers, husbands, family doctors, teachers, etc), to lift the women of their familial and social circles out of the quagmire they often choose to fall into due to a greater sense of comfort of the known, even if it is oppression, will be examined.
Education, household work and chores, commercial work and marriage will all be examined, as these are the main ‘worries’ of the modern South Asian woman. These women often want to ‘modernise’ themselves and improve themselves in terms of education and work experience, early and arranged marriage being a trade off. However, as seen in these books, fiction and non-fiction, the females often pressure them into sticking to ‘the norm’ whereas their male family members and friends often urge them to improve themselves.
This essay chooses to move away from the ‘norm’ of women seen as being oppressed by the other gender and chooses to study this theme through a juxtaposition of non-fiction in the form of autobiographies and fiction in the genre of ‘chick lit.’
Education:
Taslima Nasrin in her autobiography, ‘My Girlhood’, repeatedly depicts how her father insists upon her being sent to the best schools and her mother’s vehement objections. It is her mother who would rather she attend religious classes than go to a secular school, rather she be properly covered in a Burkha than wear dresses. Nasrin’s mother goes so far as to bring her daughter home from boarding school under the guise of a death in the family. It is her father who repeatedly forces her to attend school and pay attention to her lessons so as to make something of herself. This is radically different from the ‘norm’ that springs to mind when we think of women and education in India. A similar situation is seen in Nalinaksha Bhattacharya’s novel “Hem and football”. While Hem wants to continue with school and her hobbies, her mother insists that she leave all this and get married at the tender age of 14. In Uma Vasudev’s ‘Shreya of Sonagrah’, we see Father, Husband and Father-in-law, encouraging the protagonist in the novel, Shreya, to continue her education, but she refuses on the account that married life is not about continuing education. Before marriage, her excuse was that her role in life was to get married. We do not see any empathetic disputes between her and her mother on this issue. The mother seems quite content, if not proud, of her daughter’s views on Indian womanhood.
As such, it is apparent, that the male figures in the lives of these protagonists, in both fiction and non-fiction works of literature, would like ‘their women’ to improve themselves; it is the women who are content with their lot as it seems too ‘difficult’ (Nasrin, 2001).
The only difference is seen in times of conflict and strife, as during the period of the Indian freedom struggle. During this period, the seemingly ‘normal’ societal rules were relaxed and the first woman to attain a Masters’ degree did so during this time. Her relation to the “Father of Modern India” – Jawaharlal Nehru, meant that the rules were relaxed in terms of university entry to men’s’ colleges and courses (Sahgal, 1994). During the period of India’s freedom struggle and soon after the Partition of India, feminism in India reached its peak, as many women were part of the independence movement. Numerous women created ‘firsts’ by joining strikes and rioting, as well as being jailed. The fact that the police force treated men and women with equal brutality, gave the women a new respect in the eyes of the other sex. However, once South Asia settled down, the women were expected to cast away thoughts of equality and revert to customary social norms.
The question then would be, why is it women who impose these social norms on their progeny. Women are in a South Asian context the more ‘social’ of a traditional male-female couple, and as such, feel that they have something to ‘live up to’ in society’s views. To avoid gossip and awkward questions from members of their community as well as to maintain their standing in the community, they have to get their daughters married early and to reputable families, with no mention of falling in love or further education (Mazumdar, 1989).
Women have always been seen as the honour of their family (Adnan, 2005). As such, they feel it their duty to cast aside modern beliefs and live their lives, as well as dictate those of their daughters and nieces, in a way whereby society will be satisfied with them and there will not be any inflammatory gossip. Much the same rules apply for working prospects of these women,
Working prospects:
Without education it is near impossible to find any form of work anywhere in the world. However, in South Asia, gender discrimination in the work place aside, there is prevalent gender discrimination in the home with relation to work and being out of the house in general.
In “Hem and Football”, we see the protagonist’s mother not only trying to prevent Hem from playing football altogether but even when she does allow Hem to do so, imposes ridiculous restrictions upon her, which include lengthening the length of her shorts, even if they then get in the way of her playing, making sure she gets no bruises that may ruin her ‘marriage ability’, and imposes a number more restrictions along those lines. It seems to the casual reader here that the mother, another woman, instead of easing the stigma of being a woman in a patriarchal society is instead reinforcing it in her daughter. From the western-educated perspective of the casual reader, it seems preposterous for a mother to want to marry off her daughter at any cost to avoid her enjoying her life and playing football, as in Bhattacharya’s book.
A similar scene is available in Nasrin’s autobiography whereby we see that the only women who have jobs, in the village where Nasrin grew up, are either outcast women or mere servant-class women. No respectable woman has any form of income. When Nasrin’s father tries to encourage her to study hard in order to succeed him as a doctor, the mother demands of her husband whether he intends to make his own daughter a loose woman! Her ambitions for her daughter extend toward an early marriage for her, numerous children, preferably sons, and end there.
Nasrin’s experiences match that of the protagonist in Bhattacharya’s novel; thus again reinforcing the thesis of this essay, that at least in the context of South Asian ‘chick-lit”, reality does indeed mirror fiction. Mindsets towards an independent life and education are similar in both reality as seen in autobiographies and in fictional accounts.
Again, the exceptions come in during times of crisis. From Vasudev’s depiction of Shreya in her novel, we can see that upon the death of the protagonist’s mother in law, she was called upon to fill her shoes as a post-partition politician, and was thus thrown into politics with the same staff her mother in law had, with no thought for her personal comfort with these staff members. To protect the honour of the family, Shreya has to forgo her personal choices and preferences. We see in the novel, as in all the others, that female characters are not only restricted from making choices by other older female characters, but they are also called upon to replace these characters in times of death and loss, thus forcing them to fit themselves into the mould of these other women. This is one of the main reasons for women becoming women’s worst oppressors. In order to maintain the honour of the family name and to maintain discipline as it has been maintained for generations past, this ‘oppression’ in necessary. In fact, it is seen as oppression only in westernised viewpoints, in South Asia, this ‘oppression’ is merely a part of everyday existence.
As leading authors on human rights are finally beginning to realise, cultures differ from region to region; Asia has its own beliefs, many of which centre around the concept of “family before self”. Thus to many women in South Asia, if oppression of future generations means protecting family honour, then oppression is not a bad thing. This could also be why the male members of the family are sometimes more liberal. Usually being the breadwinners of the family, they are exposed to the outside world and its strictures; thus they see things in a different way. To these generally educated men, independence is essential for both sexes in this highly unstable world. While mothers would see love as being able to find the best man to take care of their daughter, love for a father in the modern South Asian world would be making sure his daughter can support herself, if the need arises; as we can see in Nasrin’s autobiography as well as Vasudev’s Shreya and even in “Daughters of the House” by Indrani Aikath-Gyaltsen, where we see the uncle trying to convince his orphan niece to put her education to some use by working and getting a taste of the real world outside her sheltered existence. To these educated men, there is more to a woman’s life than mere marriage and child rearing.
Marriage:
In all the books examined, one common thread runs through them, and this is in relation to marriage. All women in books concerned seem to want their wards and younger women of their acquaintance to get married early. There are myriad reasons for this; including the same concept of honour mentioned above, if one were to delay marriage, it is entirely possible that the girl in question may have a romantic dalliance and ruin her own chances of making a good match. The concept of love before marriage does not feature in these novels, and love after marriage is merely a bonus, not something to be expected.
In Nasrin’s autobiography we expect her mother to pressure her into getting married, given the mother’s very conservative nature. However, even in Nehru’s family we see that the girls who were the first in India to achieve Masters’ degrees also have to settle down and succumb to arranged marriages at the insistence of their mothers. In Mazumdar’s memoirs, we have the most blatant example whereby the extended family and friends all began gossiping when Mazumdar is not yet married at age 10.
Once again mirroring reality, we see Hem’s mother pressuring her to get married and going so far as to marry her off to a mad boy simply because there was no one else around and it was imperative to marry Hem off to avoid gossip. Arranged marriages are often set up with no need for any form of consent from either side, especially the girl. In Vasudev’s Shreya, we again see how her father agreed to her marriage to his best-friend’s son and when he cursorily asked her if she agreed, she was not given the chance to answer before the two men had already started planning the wedding. This is a clear indication of the extent of men wanting to limit female oppression in South Asia, although they are willing to allow education and even some exposure to work and the outside world, marriage seems to be something where the girl has no say at all.
When this marriage does not work out, it is the fault of the woman, obviously. In “Shreya of Sonagarh”, when Shreya ultimately mentions to her mother the problems she is having in her marriage, her mother advises her to just bear with things, violence included. Similarly, when Hem leaves her mentally challenged husband and returns home, she is ostracized, mostly by her own mother. These women are seen to be unlucky as they have failed to maintain their marriage and society has no place for them, being neither single nor respectable widows.
In a South Asian context, it is the job of a mother to get her daughter married and the duty of close relatives and friends to not only help in looking for a groom but also to ensure that if the mother falters in her role, they are there to ensure the marriage goes through. This also applies in all other areas of upbringing. It is precisely to maintain the status quo of society that women end up oppressing other women.
Conclusion:
If the status quo was relaxed and women were allowed free reign to education and work, it would make the women who did not have these opportunities much more limited, in relation; their power would then be limited. Unlike the world of men, where each proves his worth economically, women have traditionally proved their worth through their family honour, and to change this, a change of mindset is required, for all of society.
However, as the thesis of this essay goes, women are women’s worst oppressors in a South Asian context; it is indeed clear from the examination of a number of literary works, that this thesis is indeed true. It is also clear that in the case of South Asian chick lit, reality does indeed play a very significant role in this genre of literature. Be it in terms of education, work or marriage, male and female roles are very similar across fiction and non-fiction.
As Jean de La Bruyère said in 1668, “It is because of men that women dislike one another”. It is precisely for this reason that women gossip and play a perpetual game of one-upmanship with other women. In order to prove themselves to be the spitting image of Sita , they undermine women around them and try to prove their worth in that manner. Women try to mould themselves and their daughters to be like Sita, all the while condemning the other women of their acquaintance. The tool of gossip is very powerful in a woman’s domain as once again it is linked to not only her honour but that of both her natal and marital families.
Evelyn Cunnigham once mentioned that “women are the only oppressed group in our society that lives in intimate association with their oppressors”. This is indeed true. Whether or not one sees women to be the worst oppressors of other women, it must nonetheless be admitted that they do play the most important part in the mindsets that other women form. Teachers, mothers, sisters and doctors, as well as women of the marital family are the most important people in a woman’s life and it is these people, these women, who cause her to think and act as she does, to avoid dishonouring her family.
Thus, the thesis of this essay still stands as, ‘women are women’s worst oppressors’ in a South Asian context as seen through the examination of literary sources, the only possible exception being in time of crisis.
Bibliography:
Adnan, Shapan. Lectures delivered for SN 2234 – Gender and Society in South Asia, LT 12, National University of Singapore; Semester I, AY 2005/6.
Aikath-Gyaltsen, Indrani, 1993. Daughters of the House. New York: Ballantine Books.
Ali, Monica, 2004. Brick Lane: a novel. New York: Scribner, 2004
Bhattacharya, Nalinaksha, 1995. Hem and Maxine. London: Jonathan Cape.
Bhattacharya, Nalinaksha, 1992. Hem and Football. London: Secker & Warburg.
Jean de La Bruyère, 1668. Caractères. Publisher not available. Published in France.
Mazumdar, Shudha, 1989. Memoirs of an Indian Woman. Edited with an introduction by Geraldine Forbes. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe
Nasrin, Taslima, 2001. My Girlhood. New Delhi: Kali for Women.
Sahgal, Manmohini Zutshi, 1994. An Indian Freedom Fighter Recalls Her Life. Edited by Geraldine Forbes; with a foreword by B.K. Nehru. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe.
Vani, Mahesh, 2004. “Post-feminist, or more fondly, Chick-lit!” Bangalore: Deccan Herald (Sunday Herald). April 25, 2004: Articulations, Book Day Special.
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr252004/artic2.asp
(Accessed 6th October, 2005)
Vasudev, Uma, 1993. Shreya of Sonagarh. New Delhi: UBS Publishers' Distributors.
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